Suchergebnisse

This Article is an edited, annotated transcript of the Keynote Address delivered by Professor Lawrence Lessig at the Montana Law Review's Honorable James R. Browning Symposium on Election Law, The State of the Republican Form of Government in the States: Debating Democracy's Future, held at The University of Montana School of Law on September 27, 2012.

The concept of "institutional corruption" as developed by Professor Dennis Thompson is a critically important way to understand the failings of a modern democratic state. In this paper, Professor Lessig advances one way to simplify the analysis of "institutional corruption," through the introduction of the idea of improper institutional dependence. That conception of institutional corruption explains the corruption of the United States Congress.

Keynote Address by Professor Lawrence Lessig to the Montana Law Review's Honorable James R. Browning Symposium on Election Law, The State of the Republican Form of Government in the States: Debating Democracy's Future, held at The University of Montana School of Law on September 27, 2012. Lawrence Lessig is the Roy L. Furman Professor of Law and Leadership at Harvard Law School, director of the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics at Harvard University, and founder of Rootstrikers, a network of activists leading the fight against government corruption. He has authored numerous books, including Republic, Lost: How Money Corrupts Our Congress—and a Plan to Stop It; Code and Other Laws of Cyberspace; Free Culture; and Remix.

563 p. ; 22 cm. ; En contra de los primeros visionarios de la Red y de su utopía de una Internet completamente libre e irregulable, el ciberespacio está a punto de convertirse en «el lugar más regulado que hayamos conocido jamás». Asuntos tan importantes como la privacidad en las comunicaciones, la posibilidad o no de compartir datos, de remezclar información y la extensión de la libertad de expresión dependen hoy del hilo de las decisiones técnicas y políticas que están configurando la nueva Internet. La razón de este enorme potencial de control sobre el ciberespacio no sólo se encuentra en el poder legislativo del Estado, sino en la arquitectura (el código) de las nuevas tecnologías. Hoy en día, por lo tanto, la ausencia de una discusión política, abierta y masiva sobre estas cuestiones ya no produce como antaño una libertad por defecto. Antes al contrario deja campo libre a los grupos empresariales y al Estado para producir tecnologías a su medida. Emprender y extender esta discusión necesaria es el principal propósito de este libro. ; Índice INTRODUCCIÓN Florencio Cabello PREFACIO A LA PRIMERA EDICIÓN PREFACIO A LA SEGUNDA EDICIÓN 1. El código es la ley 2. Cuatro rompecabezas desde el ciberespacio PRIMERA PARTE. «Regulabilidad» 3. Esismo: ¿Es cómo debe ser? 4. Arquitecturas de control 5. Regulando el código SEGUNDA PARTE. Regulación mediante código 6. Ciberespacios 7. Qué cosas regulan 8. Los límites del código abierto TERCERA PARTE. Ambigüedades latentes 9. Traducción 10. Propiedad intelectual 11. Privacidad 12. Libertad de expresión 13. Interludio CUARTA PARTE. Soberanos en competencia 14 . Soberanía 15. Competencia entre soberanos QUINTA PARTE. Respuestas 16. Los problemas que afrontamos 17. Respuestas 18. Lo que Declan no capta APÉNDICE BIBLIOGRAFÍA

The struggle that rages just now centers on two ideas: piracy and property. My aim in this book s next two parts is to explore these two ideas. My method is not the usual method of an academic. I don t want to plunge you into a complex argument, buttressed with references to obscure French theorists however natural that is for the weird sort we academics have become. Instead I begin in each part with a collection of stories that set a context within which these apparently simple ideas can be more fully understood. The two sections set up the core claim of this book: that while the Internet has indeed produced something fantastic and new, our government, pushed by big media to respond to this something new, is destroying something very old.Rather than understanding the changes the Internet might permit, and rather than taking time to let common sense resolve how best to respond, we are allowing those most threatened by the changes to use their power to change the law and more importantly, to use their power to change something fundamental about who we have always been. We allow this, I believe, not because it is right, and not because most of us really believe in these changes.We allow it because the interests most threatened are among the most powerful players in our depressingly compromised process of making law. This book is the story of one more consequence of this form of corruption a consequence to which most of us remain oblivious.