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Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- INTRODUCTION -- 1 POWER, ORDER AND EMANCIPATION IN INTERNATIONAL THEORY -- Realism : Freedom and Necessity -- Rationalism : Order and Justice -- Revolutionism and Critical Social Theory -- The Critical Turn in International Theory -- 2 MARX AND THE LOGIC OF UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION -- History as an Ascent to Universality -- Capitalism and Universality -- The Particular and The Universal -- 3 THE NATION AND THE SPECIES -- The Austro-Marxists and Their Critics -- Nation, State and Uneven Development -- Nationalism and Critical International Theory -- 4 CLASS, STATE AND NATION IN THE THEORY OF CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM -- The Question of Interpretation -- The Question of Colonialism -- 5 MARXIST AND NEO-MARXIST THEORIES OF INEQUALITY AND DEVELOPMENT -- Power, Order and Inequality -- The Concept of Dependency -- The World-Systems Approach to Inequality -- Mode of Production, Class and State -- 6 THE STATES-SYSTEM AND THE WORLDSYSTEM -- The Idea of the Capitalist World Economy -- Political Dynamics of the Capitalist World Economy -- The Question of the State and Geopolitics -- 7 CLASS AND STATE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS -- The Absolutist State -- The Capitalist State -- The Counter-Hegemonic State -- CONCLUSIONS -- Notes and References -- Select Bibliography -- Index.

Traditional statist approaches to citizenship emphasize the rights & duties of individuals as members of bounded sovereign communities, & deny that citizenship has any meaning when detached from the sovereign nation-state. Theorists in the Kantian tradition have used the idea of world citizenship to refer to obligations to care about the future of the whole human race. Here, this approach is extended by arguing for a dialogic conception of cosmopolitan citizenship. What distinguishes this approach is the claim that separate states & other actors have an obligation to give institutional expression to the idea of a universal communication community that reflects the heterogeneous character of international society. 59 References. Adapted from the source document.

TRADITIONAL CONCEPTS OF CITIZENSHIP AND SOVEREIGNTY HAVE COME UNDER PRESSURE FROM THE COMBINED CHALLENGE OF GLOBALIZATION AND THE SUBNATIONAL REVOLT. AGAINST THIS BACKGROUND THIS ARTICLE SETS OUT AN ARGUMENT OR NEW VISIONS OF THE STATE IN WHICH SUBNATIONAL AND TRANSNATIONAL CITIZENSHIP ARE STRENGTHENED AND IN WHICH ONE CENTRAL PURPOSE OF THE STATE IS MEDIATING DIFFERENT LOYALTIES AT THE SUBNATIONAL, NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL LEVELS. THE ANALYSIS EXPLORES VARIOUS CONNECTIONS BETWEEN BULL'S REFLECTIONS ON A POSSIBLE POST-WESTPHALIAN ORDERING EUROPE, DISCOURSE ETHICS AND THE IDEA OF COSMOPOLITAN DEMOCRACY. THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS ABOUT THE NATURE OF CITIZENSHIP IN THE POST-WESTPHALIAN STATE.

The idea of civilization recurs frequently in reflections on international politics. However, International Relations academic writings on civilization have failed to acknowledge the major 20th-century analysis that examined the processes through which Europeans came to regard themselves as uniquely civilized - Norbert Elias's On the Process of Civilization. This book provides a comprehensive exploration of the significance of Elias's reflections on civilization for International Relations. It explains the working principles of an Eliasian, or process-sociological, approach to civilization and the global order and demonstrates how the interdependencies between state-formation, colonialism and an emergent international society shaped the European 'civilizing process'.

Andrew Linklater's The Problem of Harm in World Politics (Cambridge, 2011) created a new agenda for the sociology of states-systems. Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems builds on the author's attempts to combine the process-sociological investigation of civilizing processes and the English School analysis of international society in a higher synthesis. Adopting Martin Wight's comparative approach to states-systems and drawing on the sociological work of Norbert Elias, Linklater asks how modern Europeans came to believe themselves to be more 'civilized' than their medieval forebears. He investigates novel combinations of violence and civilization through a broad historical scope from classical antiquity, Latin Christendom and Renaissance Italy to the post-Second World War era. This book will interest all students with an interdisciplinary commitment to investigating long-term patterns of change in world politics

Sovereign nation states, which were formed in the context of major war, have been deeply exclusionary in their dealings with minority cultures and alien outsiders. In this book, Andrew Linklater claims that globalization, the pacification of core areas of the world economy and ethnic revolt challenge these traditional practices. As a result, new forms of political community and citizenship have become possible. In an original synthesis of recent developments in social and political theory, The Transformation of Political Community argues for new forms of political community which are cosmopolitan, sensitive to cultural differences and committed to reducing material inequalities. The book provides a bold account of post-Westphalian societies and the ethical principles which should inform their external relations. Linklater argues for political communities in which human relations are governed by dialogue and consent rather than power and force. The Transformation of Political Community will be of interest to students and academics in international relations, politics and sociology.

The need to control violent and non-violent harm has been central to human existence since societies first emerged. This book analyses the problem of harm in world politics which stems from the fact that societies require the power to harm in order to defend themselves from internal and external threats, but must also control the capacity to harm so that people cannot kill, injure, humiliate or exploit others as they please. Andrew Linklater analyses writings in moral and legal philosophy that define and classify forms of harm, and discusses the ways in which different theories of international relations suggest the power to harm can be controlled so that societies can co-exist with the minimum of violent and non-violent harm. Linklater argues for new connections between the English School study of international society and Norbert Elias' analysis of civilizing processes in order to advance the study of harm in world politics

Patriot, traitor, general, spy: James Wilkinson was a consummate contradiction. Brilliant and precocious, at age twenty he was both the youngest general in the revolutionary Continental Army, and privy to the Conway cabal to oust Washington from command. He was Benedict Arnold's aide, but the first to reveal Arnold's treachery. By 38, he was the senior general in the United States army--and had turned traitor himself. Wilkinson's audacious career in the Spanish secret service while in command of American forces is all the more remarkable because it was anything but hidden. Though he betrayed America's strategic secrets and sought to keep the new country from expanding beyond the Mississippi, four presidents turned a blind eye to his treachery--gambling that Wilkinson would never use the army to overthrow our nascent democracy. The crucial test came in 1806, when Wilkinson turned the army against Aaron Burr and foiled his conspiracy to break up the Union.--From publisher description