DATA ARE PROVIDED AS A BASIS FOR UNDERSTANDING THE DISTRIBUTIONS OF POLITICAL ATTITUDES AMONG POLITICAL SCIENTISTS. THERE IS A DISTRIBUTION BY DISCIPLINE, THE SOCIAL SCIENCES BEING MOST LEFT-OF-CENTER AND AGRICULTURE THE MOST CONSERVATIVE. THE LIBERAL-LEFT STANCE OF POLITICAL SCIENTISTS STANDS IN CONTRAST TO THE ATTITUDES OF THEIR CLASS-EQUALS IN OTHER SEGMENTS OF THE MIDDLE CLASS.
PAPER ON THE POLITICAL SCIENCE "COMMUNITY", DATA ARE DRAWN FROM THREE MAJOR SURVEYS SPONSORED IN 1969 BY THE CARNEGIE COMMISSION ON HIGHER EDUCATION OF FACULTY, GRADUATE STUDENTS, AND UNDERGRADUATES, ANY ASSESSMENT OF THE STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS OF THE PERFORMANCE OF A DISCIPLINE REQUIRES BOTH STUDENT AND FACULTY JUDGMENTS.
THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES HOW WELL JOSEPH A. SCHUMPETER'S, "CAPITALISM, SOCIALISM AND DEMOCRACY" STANDS UP AFTER 50 YEARS. IT SUGGESTS THAT THE CLIMATE IN WHICH RECENT ESSAYS APPEAR IS QUITE DIFFERENT FROM THE ONE TO WHICH SCHUMPETER WAS REACTING. IT EXPLORES: CAPITALISM AND THE INTELLECTUALS; REQUIREMENTS FOR DEMOCRACY; POLITICAL PARTIES AND ELECTORAL SYSTEMS; REEVALUATING SCHUMPETER'S ANALYSIS; AND THE CONTINUING CHALLENGES TO CAPITALISM. IT CONCLUDES THAT ALTHOUGH SOCIALISM IS NOW A DIRTY WORD, THE CONTEST BETWEEN THESE TWO ORIENTATIONS IS BY NO MEANS OVER. PROFOUND POLITICAL CONFLICT--WHICH IS TO SAY, HISTORY--WILL SURELY CONTINUE.
IT IS NOT OBVIOUS THAT CONSTITUTIONAL VARIATIONS IN TYPE OF EXECUTIVE ARE CLOSELY LINKED TO DEMOCRATIC OR AUTHORITARIAN. PRIME MINISTERS AND THEIR CABINETS ARE MORE POWERFUL (THAN PRESIDENTS AND LEGISLATURES) AND MAY PAY LESS ATTENTION TO THE IMPORTUNINGS OF SPECIFIC GROUPS WHILE THE SITUATION IS QUITE DIFFERENT IN A PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM WHERE THE TERMS OF A PRESIDENT AND CABINET ARE NOT AFFECTED BY VOTES IN THE LEGISLATURE. THIS ARTICLE ADDRESSES THE QUESTION, WHY HAVE MOST LATIN AMERICAN POLITIES NOT FUNCTIONED LIKE THE U.S. POLITICAL SYSTEM? IT CONCLUDES THAT THE ANSWER LIES IN ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL FACTORS WHICH IT EXPLORES.
Over the last 5 yrs the number of US students participating in protest activities has increased steadily. The anti-war protests have reached into relatively moderate pol'al sectors among students. But while the students have moved to the Left in their pol, most of them have not become alienated from society, nor do they support radical activism. But though the majority of the student body remains unalienated, it is becoming increasingly reform-minded & often critical of existing policies & att's. Surveys also show that students overestimate the % using drugs & the MM do the same. IPSA.
A high level of econ development, attained gradually, & legitimate pol'al institutions (accepted by all major segments of the society) are 2 important conditions of a stable democratic order. A comparison of 15 indices of econ development available from UN data (on diff aspects of wealth, degree of industrialization & urbanization, level of educ) for European, English-speaking & Latin-American democracies & dictatorships shows that the (mean - average)'s of each more democratic group are higher on each index than the less democratic countries. The level & tempo of econ development largely determine the form which the 'class struggle' takes in a country, & therefore the degree to which the lower strata develop gradualistic pol'al perspectives consonant with democracy. The dislocations of the soc situation of affected groups in periods of rapid development, rather than poverty as such, produce instability & extremism. If institutions are accepted & valued (legitimate), econ instability does not necessarily endanger democracy. Crises of legitimacy occur during soc change if all major groups do not have access to the pol'al system, if major conservative institutions are threatened, or if other historical issues, such as the place of the church, have not been settled. The major pol'al problem of the 19th cent-integration of the Wc into the system-has largely been solved in most Western democracies, but in some of Latin & Eastern Europe, & parts of Asia, the Communists have gained the support of workers' movements, preventing their full integration, & endangering democracy. The prognosis for democracy is poor in the poverty-stricken, poorly educated, highly stratified countries. A methodological appendix discusses the problems of treating such complex attributes of total societies. AA-IPSA.
From the origins of modern society, the Reformation & the Industrial Revolution, was born pol'al sociol (PS). The study of class conflict & that of consensus according to Marx & de Tocqueville, & that of bur'cy & democracy according to Weber 4z Michels, makes one feel that the conditions which encouraged democracy resulted from these 2 sources of cleavage & consensus. US PS has emphasized the aspect of cleavage & has tended to ignore consensus. Electoral studies, pol'al movements, bur'cy, internal gov, voluntary associations, etc, must be considered to be concrete phenomena. The concept of power is at the basis of the study of consensus, & PS must try to discover the soc circumstances & the consequences of democracy. Comparative analyses, such as that already attempted by de Tocqueville, seem to be esp useful in PS. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
A study undertaken during the height of the controversy surrounding the loyalty oath requirement at the U of Calif, to determine the reactions of the student body to the crisis situation. It was assumed that a person's stand on the loyalty oath did not change his general political predispositions, signif group affiliations, newspaper reading habits or participation in the U community. From the Registrar's files every 40th S was selected systematically and interviewed concerning opinions about the loyalty and the non-Communist hiring policy. The study indicates anew that opinion formation tends in large part to be a product of the activation of previous experience and attitudes. S's reacted to the crisis situation largely according to their group affiliations and other background characteristics. The deviant cases suggest that deviation in behavior is a result of being exposed to cross pressures. Liberal S's who read pro-oath newspapers were more likely to support the oath requirements than those reading a paper consistent with their basic political attitudes and vice versa. Another effect of S's exposed to conflicting norms was a relatively high level of ignorance regarding the issues and their background, which may have served the function of reducing clarity, and therefore the intensity of the conflict. This may have accounted for greater lack of knowledge among the pro's than among the antiRegents S's. In every category, S's who were against the Regents, but who had characteristics or were exposed to pressures which made for pro-Regents attitudes, were less likely to sign an anti-oath petition than those with homogeneous anti-Regents characteristics. R. Halpern.
