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Ideological and Political Education in China's Higher Education
In: East Asian Policy, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 78-91
ISSN: 2251-3175
After decades of continuous investment and efforts, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has established a multi-tiered system, including co-option, surveillance and monitoring, and ideological and political education, to ensure its domination of Chinese college students, For the foreseeable future, Chinese college students, as a group, are unlikely to actively mount significant challenges (like those of the 1989 incident) against the CCP that could undermine its political survival.
Tax Reform in Rural China: Revenue, Resistance, and Authoritarian Rule. By Hiroki Takeuchi. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 253p. $98.00
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 276-278
ISSN: 1541-0986
Populist Authoritarianism: Chinese Political Culture and Regime Sustainability. WENFANG TANG . Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. xiii + 220 pp. $27.95. ISBN 978-0-19-020578-2
In: The China quarterly, Band 227, S. 813-815
ISSN: 1468-2648
A Cognitive Anatomy of Political Trust and Respective Bases: Evidence from a Two‐City Survey in China
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 477-494
ISSN: 0162-895X
A Cognitive Anatomy of Political Trust and Respective Bases: Evidence from a Two-City Survey in China
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 477-494
ISSN: 1467-9221
Building on contemporary research on social cognition and psychology, trust, political representation and accountability, and candidate evaluation, this article proposes to decompose political trust into two cognitively distinct but related components for examination: competence versus intention evaluations. This article further argues that people's evaluations of their government's competence and intention in governance can have distinct bases due to the varying accessibility of pertinent information. Using valid instruments from a unique sampling survey in two Chinese cities in 2005, this article tests the validity of this cognitive scheme. Empirical evidence shows that (1) the surveyed Chinese urban residents effectively differentiated between their central government's competence and intention in governance: on average, they had a quite positive assessment of the central government's intention to serve its people, despite their relatively pessimistic views of its competence to deliver good governance; (2) the Chinese urbanites did consult different sources of information and heuristics when evaluating their central government's competence and intention, respectively. Adapted from the source document.
Transformed Social Foundations of Governance in Rural China: Rural–Urban Migration and Social Environments in Chinese Villages
In: Varieties of Governance in China, S. 132-155
Local Governance in Transformed Communities
In: Varieties of Governance in China, S. 19-48
Evolution of China’s Rural Governance and Rural–Urban Migration
In: Varieties of Governance in China, S. 49-83
Local Public Goods Provision, Institutional Performance, and Rural–Urban Migration in Chinese Villages
In: Varieties of Governance in China, S. 84-131
Epilogue: New Opportunities for Rural China’s Governance?
In: Varieties of Governance in China, S. 200-206
Rural–Urban Migration and Contextualized Institutional Choices in Rural China
In: Varieties of Governance in China, S. 156-180
Acquiring political information in contemporary China: various media channels and their respective correlates
In: Journal of contemporary China, Band 22, Heft 83, S. 828-849
ISSN: 1067-0564
Using complementary information from two national surveys conducted in 2008, i.e. the China Survey and the ABS II Mainland China Survey, this paper presents a comprehensive picture of the media channels that Chinese citizens use for political information, as well as their relative importance as assessed by the Chinese people. Moreover, assisted by multiple regressions, this paper also identifies which groups of Chinese are more likely to use each of these channels for political information. This paper contributes to our understanding on (1) the relative significance of various media channels in contemporary China's political communication; and (2) how Chinese citizens select themselves into specific channels for political information, given their increasing autonomy in acquiring such information from China's changing media. (J Contemp China/GIGA)
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