Suchergebnisse

Taking the studies of Herbert Schiller as a basis, we shall carry out a reinterpretation of the myths that uphold the Market Economy, within which the media shall act as instruments that have control over public opinion. The multinationals of the sector, with multiple interests, thus forget their role of public function and instead join together with the political/economic elite which aims at the survival of inalterability. In order to do so, the doses of manipulation are to be administered on a daily basis by means of multiple mechanisms and shall reach their highest levels at moments of crisis. This is what was to happen at the different phases of the invasion in Iraq in 1991, 1998 and 2003, just as can be seen in the case of American journalism.

La autora realiza en este artículo un análisis de la profesión periodística en España apoyándose en el estudio de sus orígenes, en los problemas que la aquejan como gremio y en la situación en la que se encuentra dentro de la estructura informativa de nuestro país. El objetivo es invitar a los profesionales de la información a reflexionar sobre las dificultades y presiones a las que se ven sometidos, con la idea de extraer de la autocrítica las posibles soluciones que devuelvan al periodista su auténtica función en la sociedad.

Desde la década de los noventa, los principales operadores de telecomunicaciones en Argentina han tenido capital transnacional y han logrado un alto nivel de concentración gracias a regulaciones estatales que han promovido su crecimiento. Entre estas compañías, Telefónica Argentina se ha visto respaldada por los gobiernos en su expansión y posición dominante de mercado. En este artículo se realiza un análisis crítico de las políticas públicas de comunicación en Argentina entre 1989 y 2021, utilizando el estudio de caso de Telefónica, bajo el enfoque de la economía política. ; Main telecommunication companies in Argentina have had transnational shareholders since the 1990's and have achieved a very high level of concentration and growth due to national state laws. Telefónica Argentina is one of the most important companies that has been favoured by different governments ensuring a great business development and a dominant market position. This paper presents a critical analysis of the public communication policies in Argentina between 1989 and 2021 using Telefónica as case study, under the political economy perspective.

The year of 2011 was one of global change, provoked by an economic crisis that brought neoliberalism into question. In Spain, the activity unleashed by the "15-M" movement culminated in the formation of Podemos, a party that has provoked a political earthquake. Simultaneously, several alternative left-leaning online-only newspapers have erupted in Spain. This article focuses on whether these changes were accompanied by ideological/political shifts in Spanish online-only opinion journalism between 2011 and 2014. A sample of 541 opinion columns was content-analyzed. Results indicate that digital journalism criticizes the establishment, broadens the ideological spectrum, and distances itself from bipartisanship. However, the shift is fundamentally conveyed through the attack and defense of political parties without generating a clearly radical journalism.

For years, the construction of social subjectivity has been conditioned by the role of the so-called mass media, but the multiplicity of media platforms today contributes to the configuration of reality. In this context, this study analyses how the discourse of the far right in Spain effectively criminalised the International Women's Day (8M) demonstrations in the first year of the pandemic by linking them to an increase in Covid-19 infections. To implement this strategy, Spain's far-right party, Vox, used its social media accounts, but it also had the support of ultra-conservative digital media outlets to legitimise its discursive distortions. Taking this into account, this article presents a content and critical discourse analysis of the Twitter and Gab accounts operated by Vox and its leaders, Santiago Abascal and Rocio Monasterio, as well as three ultra-conservative newspapers, La Razón, OK Diario, and Libertad digital. The period covered is from 8 March 2020 to 8 March 2021.

Tras la aprobación de la Ley General Audiovisual en España, las diferentes Comunidades Autónomas consideraron necesaria la adaptación de la misma en sus respectivos territorios. En el caso de Andalucía, el Parlamento dio luz verde a finales de 2012 a una Proposición no de Ley para iniciar el debate sobre el sector. Con este fin, se planificó la creación de una Mesa para la Ordenación e Impulso del sector audiovisual (M.O.I.S.A.), paso previo a la elaboración del Anteproyecto de la Ley Audiovisual de Andalucía. De esta forma, la M.O.I.S.A. se constituyó en diciembre de 2013, iniciándose la ronda de reuniones el 5 de febrero de 2014, lo que se prolongó durante tres semanas consecutivas. Los encuentros sirvieron para desarrollar un proceso de debate entre la Dirección General de Comunicación Social de la Junta de Andalucía y más de cincuenta entidades vinculadas al sector audiovisual. El resultado quedó plasmado en un documento firmado en julio de 2014 por las diferentes entidades participantes y que sirvió para sentar las bases del Plan de Ordenación e Impulso del Sector Audiovisual (P.O.I.S.A.) y el Anteproyecto de Ley Audiovisual de Andalucía. En el presente trabajo, nos proponemos realizar un análisis cualitativo e interpretativo de todo este proceso y de los textos legales que resultaron del mismo, ofreciendo un estudio comparativo respecto a la Ley General de Comunicación Audiovisual. ; After the General Audiovisual Law was passed in Spain, different Autonomous Communities, as regions are administratively called, decided to adapt it according to their own criteria. In Andalusia, the Government launched a Law Project at the end of 2012 to start with a public debate within the sector. The first step was the set up of the Committee for the Management and Promotion of the Audiovisual Sector (MOISA), created to develop the Audiovisual Bill. The Committee was established at the end of 2013 and started a round of meetings during February 2014. More than fifty audiovisual companies and associations discussed with the General Directorate of Social Communication of the Andalusia Government about the main issues and problems in the audiovisual sector. All this work was the base for the Plan of Management and Promotion of the Audiovisual Sector (P.O.I.S.A in Spanish) and the Audiovisual Bill of Andalusia. In this paper, we will approach, from a qualitative and interpretative perspective, the public process and the importance of the legal text. We will also go through a comparative study between the General Audiovisual Law and the Audiovisual Bill in Andalusia.

Tras la aprobación de la Ley General Audiovisual en España, las diferentes Comunidades Autónomas consideraron necesaria la adaptación de la misma en sus respectivos territorios. En el caso de Andalucía, el Parlamento dio luz verde a finales de 2012 a una Proposición no de Ley para iniciar el debate sobre el sector. Con este fin, se planificó la creación de una Mesa para la Ordenación e Impulso del sector audiovisual (M.O.I.S.A.), paso previo a la elaboración del Anteproyecto de la Ley Audiovisual de Andalucía. De esta forma, la M.O.I.S.A. se constituyó en diciembre de 2013, iniciándose la ronda de reuniones el 5 de febrero de 2014, lo que se prolongó durante tres semanas consecutivas. Los encuentros sirvieron para desarrollar un proceso de debate entre la Dirección General de Comunicación Social de la Junta de Andalucía y más de cincuenta entidades vinculadas al sector audiovisual. El resultado quedó plasmado en un documento firmado en julio de 2014 por las diferentes entidades participantes y que sirvió para sentar las bases del Plan de Ordenación e Impulso del Sector Audiovisual (P.O.I.S.A.) y el Anteproyecto de Ley Audiovisual de Andalucía. En el presente trabajo, nos proponemos realizar un análisis cualitativo e interpretativo de todo este proceso y de los textos legales que resultaron del mismo, ofreciendo un estudio comparativo respecto a la Ley General de Comunicación Audiovisual. ; After the General Audiovisual Law was passed in Spain, different Autonomous Communities, as regions are administratively called, decided to adapt it according to their own criteria. In Andalusia, the Government launched a Law Project at the end of 2012 to start with a public debate within the sector. The first step was the set up of the Committee for the Management and Promotion of the Audiovisual Sector (MOISA), created to develop the Audiovisual Bill. The Committee was established at the end of 2013 and started a round of meetings during February 2014. More than fifty audiovisual companies and associations discussed with the General Directorate of Social Communication of the Andalusia Government about the main issues and problems in the audiovisual sector. All this work was the base for the Plan of Management and Promotion of the Audiovisual Sector (P.O.I.S.A in Spanish) and the Audiovisual Bill of Andalusia. In this paper, we will approach, from a qualitative and interpretative perspective, the public process and the importance of the legal text. We will also go through a comparative study between the General Audiovisual Law and the Audiovisual Bill in Andalusia.

Han pasado pocos días desde que Telecinco y Cuatro anunciaron su fusión, tras ser permitido este tipo de operaciones por un Real Decreto aprobado en marzo de 2009. La noticia se producía además después de que otras dos televisiones, Antena 3 y La Sexta, dieran a conocer los mismos planes de futuro para ambas cadenas. Todos estos movimientos se incluyen dentro de los cambios que el apagón analógico y la crisis del sector están produciendo en el audiovisual. En nuestro trabajo nos interesa destacar cómo en la última década se han dado las claves y características que han desembocada en la situación actual y que van a modificar la estructura informativa española. Por este motivo, nos interesará estudiar los principales grupos de comunicación que van a ser protagonistas de la llamada "segunda guerra digital", cuando confluyen una serie de intereses económicos y políticos que marcarán la dinámica mediática española hasta nuestros días. ; Few days have passed since Telecinco and Cuatro announced its merger, after this type of operation being allowed by a Royal Decree approved in March 2009. The new also occurred after two televisions, Antena 3 and La Sexta, made known the same plans for its future. All these movements are included in the changes that the switch-off and the crisis in the industry are producing in the audiovisual. In our work we wish to emphasize how some particular features have influenced in the current situation that will change the Spanish information structure. For this reason, we are interested in studying the media groups that will be protagonists of the "second digital war," when economic and political interests come together and make the dynamic Spanish media until today.

El que fuera el único español -y el único sevillano- capaz de ejercer, entre otros muchos cargos y de forma sucesiva, las tres Presidencias Superiores del Estado durante el complejo período de la II República, es hoy, para la gran mayoría, un completo desconocido. Pretendemos rescatarlo del olvido a través del análisis mediático de la repatriación de sus restos mortales a Sevilla. ; Who was the only spanish –and the only person born in Seville- who was be able to be, successively, President of the Court, President of the Government, and President of the Second Republic, is today, to most people, a completly unknown. We want recover him from the obivlion through the studie of the press wich report about his repatriate to Seville in 2000.

El principio de que en una democracia el sistema de televisión debe respetar el pluralismo parece un punto incuestionable. Sin embargo, en cuanto intentamos profundizar en los aspectos teóricos y prácticos de esta afirmación empiezan a surgir los problemas y las incoherencias. La regulación española del sistema de televisión no ha sido ajena a esta indeterminación. Este trabajo pretende aplicar nuestra investigación sobre televisión digital terrestre y pluralismo a dos cuestiones; por un lado, al análisis de la regulación española a través de la cual se ha pretendido favorecer el pluralismo en este sector, y que ahora se contiene en la Ley 7/2010, de 31 de marzo, General de la Comunicación Audiovisual. Por otro lado, al estudio de uno de los casos más relevantes que se están dando en el mercado de la televisión en España como consecuencia de esta regulación; se trata de la operación empresarial entre Gestevisión Telecinco y Prisa, y sus consecuencias, a partir de enero de 2011, en los contenidos de la TDT nacional, y en la concentración de la inversión publicitaria y de las audiencias. Esta comunicación es el resultado de una investigación en curso, realizada en el Institut de la Comunicació de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (InCom-UAB), en el marco del proyecto de I+D "Implantación de la Televisión Digital Terrestre en España e Impacto sobre el pluralismo", dirigido por María Dolores Montero Sánchez y financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (MICINN) (ref. CSO2010-17898/COMU), dentro del VI Plan de Investigación I+D+i 2008-2011.

En abril de 2002, el grupo alemán Kirch presentaba suspensión de pagos y declaraba la imposibilidad de seguir adelante. La trayectoria de la compañía se enmarcaba en una atrevida forma de hacer negocio, basada en sus buenas relaciones con la derecha alemana y en un acelerado ritmo de crecimiento en los últimos años. La noticia de la desaparición de Kirch tiene claves que necesitan ser estudiadas para entender el pasado y el futuro de la estructura informativa en Alemania. Por este motivo, en el presente trabajo nos centraremos en el estudio del panorama mediático una vez desaparecido el emblemático grupo, haciendo especial referencia al reparto de su imperio. En este sentido, nos interesará destacar el capítulo protagonizado por su más importante negocio, el holding ProSiebenSAT.1, donde las consideraciones políticas y regulatorias tuvieron mucho que ver para su evolución y situación actual. ; In April 2002, Kich group was declared to be insolvent. The development of the company was based in a risky way of doing business, taking advantage of its links with CSU politicians and growing up without any control in the last few years. The bankruptcies of Kirch has to be analysed to know more about the past and future of media system in Germany. This article seeks to explore the communication sector after Kirch collapse, above all in the moment that the company is being shared out. The present text also analyse specially the sale of the most important business, ProsiebenSAT.1. Decisive policy and control considerations could explain the current situation of that holding.

The basic argumentation of this paper rests on several points. On one hand, it takes into account the political turns of media mogul Rupert Murdoch in different countries. On the other hand, it tries to verify if this trend continues in the 2008 U.S. presidential election. The research takes also into account Murdoch's economic support in different U.S. campaigns. There is evidence that Murdoch's media strategy is going to swing equally towards different candidates, regarding their chances of reaching government. This support could ease the expansion of his company, News Corporation. The hypothesis we follow in this paper suggests that, although Murdoch's media generally support conservative ideology and Republican politics, his corporation will not hesitate in making large financial donations to Democrat campaigns, in order to earn their trust if they achieve power.

Este artigo representa a fase inicial de um projeto mais vasto conduzido pelo grupo de investigação "Media, política de comunicação e democracia na União Europeia" que está atualmente a desenvolver o estudo "Políticas de comunicação, plataformas SVOD e educação de valores para menores no mercado único digital (2020-2022)". Neste estudo, pretendemos explorar a ideia de que, além das considerações tecnológicas, é necessário alargar o âmbito da proteção infantil, estabelecendo colaboração mútua entre entidades reguladoras, distribuidores e serviços de vídeo on demand, bem como organizações de consumidores e de pais, num esforço para melhorar ainda mais a cooperação e o entendimento mútuo (Grupo Europeu de Reguladores dos Serviços de Comunicação Audiovisuais, 2017b, p. 75). Tendo por base este objetivo, consideramos que a esfera académica também pode ser convidada para este abrangente debate sobre proteção infantil, a fim de contribuir para um aspeto fundamental: a educação audiovisual e mediática como um pilar essencial de proteção, além de filtros, limites externos e rotulagem eletrónica. Assim, defendemos uma visão que considera não apenas os aspetos digitais (digital stuff), mas também destaca a necessidade de aspetos éticos (ethos stuff) (Goggin, 2008, p.89). A esse respeito, é essencial uma revisão da literatura sobre o conceito de literacia mediática. A metodologia qualitativa envolve uma análise das indicações da União Europeia e a sua implementação em Espanha. Nesta fase, realizámos pesquisas de dados secundários com base numa análise narrativa dos documentos e programas de diferentes instituições, a fim de mapear a evolução da questão nos últimos anos, num momento em que o ambiente digital mudou muito rapidamente. Este tipo de análise também é conduzido nas iniciativas de empresas europeias e espanholas, no sentido de determinar se estão a implementar estratégias de proteção à criança. ; This paper represents the initial phase of a larger project being developed by the "Media, communication policy and democracy in the European Union" research group, which is currently working on the study "Communication policies, SVOD platforms and values education for minors in the single digital market (2020-2022)". We wish to pursue in this study that, beyond technological considerations, it is necessary to expand the scope of child protection by establishing mutual collaboration between regulators, distributors and video on demand services, as well as consumers and parents' organisations, in an effort to further enhance cooperation and mutual understanding (European Regulators Group for Audiovisual Media Services, 2017b, p. 75). It is for this reason that we believe that the academic sphere can also be invited into this wide-ranging discussion on child protection to contribute reflections on a key aspect: audiovisual and media education, an essential pillar of protection in addition to filters, external limits, and electronic labelling. We thus uphold a vision that not only considers the "digital stuff" but also highlights the need for "ethos stuff" (Goggin, 2008, p.89). In this respect, we have considered it essential a literature review on the concept of media literacy. Secondly, our qualitative methodology involves an analysis of the instructions issued by the European Union and their implementation in Spain. In this stage, we have conducted desk research based on a narrative analysis of the documents and programs of different institutions in order to chart the evolution of the question in recent years, at a time when the digital environment has changed more quickly than ever before. This same type of analysis is also conducted on the initiatives of European and Spanish companies to determine whether they are implementing child protection strategies.

Este artigo representa a fase inicial de um projeto mais vasto conduzido pelo grupo de investigação "Media, política de comunicação e democracia na União Europeia" que está atualmente a desenvolver o estudo "Políticas de comunicação, plataformas SVOD e educação de valores para menores no mercado único digital (2020-2022)". Neste estudo, pretendemos explorar a ideia de que, além das considerações tecnológicas, é necessário alargar o âmbito da proteção infantil, estabelecendo colaboração mútua entre entidades reguladoras, distribuidores e serviços de vídeo on demand, bem como organizações de consumidores e de pais, num esforço para melhorar ainda mais a cooperação e o entendimento mútuo (Grupo Europeu de Reguladores dos Serviços de Comunicação Audiovisuais, 2017b, p. 75). Tendo por base este objetivo, consideramos que a esfera académica também pode ser convidada para este abrangente debate sobre proteção infantil, a fim de contribuir para um aspeto fundamental: a educação audiovisual e mediática como um pilar essencial de proteção, além de filtros, limites externos e rotulagem eletrónica. Assim, defendemos uma visão que considera não apenas os aspetos digitais (digital stuff), mas também destaca a necessidade de aspetos éticos (ethos stuff) (Goggin, 2008, p.89). A esse respeito, é essencial uma revisão da literatura sobre o conceito de literacia mediática. A metodologia qualitativa envolve uma análise das indicações da União Europeia e a sua implementação em Espanha. Nesta fase, realizámos pesquisas de dados secundários com base numa análise narrativa dos documentos e programas de diferentes instituições, a fim de mapear a evolução da questão nos últimos anos, num momento em que o ambiente digital mudou muito rapidamente. Este tipo de análise também é conduzido nas iniciativas de empresas europeias e espanholas, no sentido de determinar se estão a implementar estratégias de proteção à criança. ; This paper represents the initial phase of a larger project being developed by the "Media, communication policy and democracy in the European Union" research group, which is currently working on the study "Communication policies, SVOD platforms and values education for minors in the single digital market (2020-2022)". We wish to pursue in this study that, beyond technological considerations, it is necessary to expand the scope of child protection by establishing mutual collaboration between regulators, distributors and video on demand services, as well as consumers and parents' organisations, in an effort to further enhance cooperation and mutual understanding (European Regulators Group for Audiovisual Media Services, 2017b, p. 75). It is for this reason that we believe that the academic sphere can also be invited into this wide-ranging discussion on child protection to contribute reflections on a key aspect: audiovisual and media education, an essential pillar of protection in addition to filters, external limits, and electronic labelling. We thus uphold a vision that not only considers the "digital stuff" but also highlights the need for "ethos stuff" (Goggin, 2008, p.89). In this respect, we have considered it essential a literature review on the concept of media literacy. Secondly, our qualitative methodology involves an analysis of the instructions issued by the European Union and their implementation in Spain. In this stage, we have conducted desk research based on a narrative analysis of the documents and programs of different institutions in order to chart the evolution of the question in recent years, at a time when the digital environment has changed more quickly than ever before. This same type of analysis is also conducted on the initiatives of European and Spanish companies to determine whether they are implementing child protection strategies.