Suchergebnisse

This chapter explores the relationship between populism and nationalism in theory and practice. Relating the ideational account of populism with the political-strategic and socio-cultural conceptions, populism is understood the creation of people-centred moral antagonisms in society, where the role of personalistic leadership and low political discourse play a prominent role. The central argument of the paper is that populist nationalism exploits uncertainties in liberal nationalist ideas concerning what kinds of openness are consistent with the preservation of the nation-state as the container of citizens' ontological security. Concretely, these uncertainties are exploited by calling into question forms of international cooperation and national immigration regimes. Taking the cases of populist nationalist parties in the UK, Switzerland and Belgium, the chapter attempts to better understand how populist nationalist parties can impact mainstream politics, as well as the conditions for the longevity of these parties as influential political forces.

Given the increasing use of direct democratic votes on questions of European integration, this paper explores whether or not Member States may have good reason to agree on common regulations for popular votes of this nature. Conceiving of the European Union as a political system designed to serve the interests of states and citizens, it is argued that where direct votes have the potential to undermine the territorial, functional, normative or existential integrity of the EU, then states may have good reason to sacrifice a degree of national autonomy to adopt common regulations for certain uses of direct democracy. This leads to a case for democratic standardization across Member States when it comes to withdrawal, accession, Treaty ratification and opt-in decisions.

Sexual Deviance in Health and Aging explores how social and cultural perceptions of sexual deviance can shape and be shaped by health and aging. The authors analyze how people get labeled as sexually deviant because of growing older and other factors, and how this stigma impacts their health care and broader social experiences.

How should we conceive of the relationship between European citizenship and national citizenship from a normative perspective? While the Treaties assert the supplementary nature of European citizenship vis-à-vis national citizenship, advocates of trans- and supra-national citizenship perspectives have agreed with the European Court of Justice that Union citizenship will ultimately supplant or subsume national citizenship. By contrast, we draw upon demoicratic and stakeholder citizenship theories to defend the primacy of national over European citizenship. Taking the cases of political and welfare rights, we argue that member states may have special duties to second-country nationals stemming from a European social contract, but that these duties must be balanced against the rights and duties of national citizens stemming from the national social contract.

This paper deals with the legitimacy of the EU's external borders and the decision-making rules for changing them. First, while the EU should not indefinitely expand, we can identify no normative grounds for precluding in advance any liberal democratic nation-states from participation in the European project. Second, for those countries having more or less thick legal ties with the EU, or who are otherwise substantially affected by European decision-making, we argue for the institutionalisation of flexible deliberative communities. For closely associated countries, we argue that the EU has special duties in opening the door to membership. Third, we address the legitimacy of the EU's decision-making procedures for deciding on accession candidates and creating association agreements with non-member states. Here we defend the EU's current unanimity requirement for the former and its supermajoritarian decision rules for the latter. Finally, we suggest that nationalism is the primary obstacle to the achievement of just inclusion outcomes for non-member states.

This clinical study examines the prevalence of stealing and the personal and behavioural factors which distinguish stealing and non-stealing behaviour in a population of 312 female normal-weight bulimics. Bulimic patients who stole had poorer early interpersonal relationships, earlier onset of sexual feelings with greater subsequent sexual activity and increased illicit drug use. The suggestion is made that stealing is a marker of severity. In addition, bulimics who stole appeared to exhibit more obsessional qualities with increased ritualisation.

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Cambridge University Press via the DOI in this record ; Over the last decade, the EU's fundamental values have been under threat at the national level, in particular among several Central and Eastern European states that joined the EU since 2004. During this time, the European People's Party (EPP) has been criticised for its unwillingness to vote for measures that would sanction the Hungarian Fidesz government, one of its members, in breach of key democratic principles since 2010. In this paper, we seek to understand how cohesive the EPP group has been on fundamental values related votes, how the position of EPP MEPs on these issues has evolved over time, and what explains intra-EPP disagreement on whether to accommodate rule of law offenders within the EU. To address these questions, we analyse the votes of EPP MEPs across 24 resolutions on the protection of EU fundamental values between 2011-2019. Our findings reveal below-average EPP cohesion on these votes, and a sharp increase in the tendency of EPP MEPs to support these resolutions over time. A number of factors explain the disagreements we find. While the EPP's desire to maintain Fidesz within its ranks is central, this explanation does not offer a comprehensive account of the group's accommodative behaviour. In particular, we find that ideological factors as well as the strategic interests of national governments at the EU level are central to understanding the positions of EPP MEPs, as well as the evolution of these positions over time. These results further our understanding of the nature of the obstacles to EU sanctions in rule of law abuse cases, and the role of partisanship in fuelling EU inaction especially.

This introduction provides a descriptive typology and normative analysis of the ways boundaries are being questioned in Europe. We distinguish between boundary-making (defining or redefining the territorial borders of a polity), boundary-crossing (determining the rules of access to territorial borders) and boundary-unbundling (allowing boundary-making and boundary-crossing to vary between policies and polities), noting each of these categories possesses internal and external dimensions. Cosmopolitans and statists offer contrasting normative evaluations of these processes, favouring weakening and maintaining or strengthening state boundaries respectively. We endorse a demoicratic approach lying between these two as better reflecting how individuals relate to each other and to the EU, a view shared by some but not all contributors to this volume. We conclude by situating the contributions within our topological framework, highlighting how they illustrate the contemporary questioning of European boundaries.

As part of a longitudinal, mixed-method study with Boy Scouts of America, we conducted five focus groups with a diverse group of 46 program leaders in order to better understand their perceptions of how they influence youth. Drawing from grounded theory analysis methods, we found that leaders believed they promoted positive youth outcomes, including character and self-confidence, through caring youth-leader relationships and facilitating opportunities for youth to participate in and lead skill-building activities and apply skills in different contexts. Leaders differed in the particular outcomes that they emphasized. Implications of these findings for future research and practice are discussed.