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This paper provides a comparative analysis of working class consumer credit in Britain and France from the early twentieth century through to the 1980s. It indicates a number of similarities between the two nations in the earlier part of the period: in particular, in the operation of doorstep credit systems. For the British case study, we explore consumer finance offered by credit drapers (sometimes known as tallymen) whilst in France the paper explores a similar system that functioned in the coalmining communities around the city of Lens. Both methods operated on highly socialised relationships that established the trust on which credit was offered and long-term creditor/borrower relationships established. In the second part of the paper, we analyse the different trajectories taken in post-war France and Britain in this area of working class credit. In France this form of socialized credit gradually dwindled due to factors such as 'Bancarisation', which saw the major banks emerge as modern bureaucratized providers of credit for workers and their families. In contrast, in Britain the tallymen (and other related forms of doorstep credit providers) were offered a new lease of life in the 1960s and 1970s. This was a period during which British credit providers utilised multiple methods to evade the hire purchase controls put in place by post-war governments. Thus, whilst the British experience was one of fragmented consumer loan types (including the continuation of doorstep credit), the French experience (like elsewhere in Europe) was one of greater consolidation. The paper concludes by reflecting on the role of these developments in the creation of differential experiences of credit inclusion/exclusion in the two nations and the impact of this on financial inequality.

International audience ; At the end of the nineteenth century, tour guides totally excluded vineyard visits and gastronomic activities from their Burgundy sightseeing tours. Only natural sites and medieval monuments were of interest to visiting travelers. Gourmet products and wines were perceived at the time as being internationally recognized high-end upper-class luxury products, so not associated with any particular region. The trading weight of certain wines and the winemaking freedom enjoyed by vintners (freedom to produce blended wines from grapes of different geographical origins) were major factors contributing to this situation. Towards the late 1930s, major changes occurred in production and marketing standards in France, with the introduction of appellations of origin, together with a cultural renaissance based on regional traditions, along with a strong drive on the part of the Republic's political establishment to promote local "homeland" areas ; À la fin du XIXe siècle, les guides excluent totalement la gastronomie et la vigne des visites qu'ils proposent aux touristes de passage en Bourgogne. Seuls les sites naturels et les monuments historiques attirent l'attention des voyageurs. La gastronomie et le vin sont alors perçus et vendus comme des produits de luxe aristocratiques et internationaux – c'est-à-dire territorialement désincarnés. Le poids du négoce et sa liberté en termes de vinification (capacité d'assemblages de vins d'origines géographiques différentes) conditionnent amplement cette réalité. À la fin des années 1930, la transformation des normes de production et de commercialisation des vins en faveur d'un système d'appellations d'origine, combinée à la réinvention culturelle des folklores régionaux et aux volontés républicaines de valoriser les petites patries au sein de la grande patrie française, vont bouleverser les représentations régionales. En s'appropriant les concepts folkloristes républicains, les acteurs du marché des vins fins bourguignons vont ainsi réinventer l'univers de sens ...

How to explain the change that occurred in the inter-war period in the assessment of Burgundy wines quality? A previous historical and ethnological study has analyzed the shift from the domination of the wine market by the traders of Beaune to the vineyard owners around Dijon. This research proposes some tools and a basic formalization in order to account of this structural transformation. A first analysis in terms of networks emphasizes that the change observed in the economic field in favour of the owners could not have taken place without the superposition of their influence in the cultural and political fields, both at the national and regional levels. Thus some actors are quite central, in the linking of different networks and the shift from one standard to another in the evaluation of wine quality. Consequently the economic equilibrium itself is drastically altered. This supports a theory of power in terms of structural holes "à la Burt". The tools of statistical physics are then adapted to this socio-economic context in order to get a formal dynamic model. It shows that long distance links from Dijon to Paris makes possible to overcome the initial asymmetry in favour of the Beaune traders. Modelling also suggests that this influence is not monotonous since there is a threshold for the probability of a long distance interaction above which prevails again a symmetrical equilibrium between Beaune and Dijon. Lastly, the same structural model can be applied mutatis mutandis to the current crisis of some French vintages: the internationalization of another quality standard for wines is the consequence of the emergence of new consumer countries. Thus, these three analyses converge towards the same provisional conclusion: the stability of local interactions leading to a set of conventions and institutions can be challenged by the strategy of new actors that benefit from long distance links and their ability to connect economic along with cultural or political networks. ; Comment expliquer le basculement intervenu ...

Nous avons recueilli les archives de différentes enquêtes ethnographiques ou sociologiques passées, concernant toutes la même zone géographique, les arrondissements du Châtillonnais et de Montbard (Bourgogne) : archives de la Recherche Coopérative sur Programme (RCP) Châtillonnais (1966-1970, impliquant le Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires, le Laboratoire d'Anthropologie Sociale de Claude Lévi-Strauss au Collège de France, le Centre de Recherches Historiques de François Furet à l'EHESS, et le département Economie et Sociologie Rurales de l'INRA) ; archives de Minot (1968-1975, entreprise collective majeure du structuralisme en France) ; archives de Montbard (enquête d'ethnographie sociologique de Florence Weber sur le monde ouvrier dans une petite ville industrielle). Les postures théoriques et héritages intellectuels différenciés ont induits différentes manières de questionner une même zone et d'y faire enquête. Avant d'engager une revisite collective en partant de ces fonds, nous proposons ici une description des postures scientifiques qui ont guidé les enquêtes RCP et Minot, description qui conduit à esquisser une histoire des regards portés par l'anthropologie et la sociologie françaises des années 60-70 sur les mondes ruraux. Regards " traditionalistes " : quand les chercheurs du Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires cherchaient à recueillir les traces des cultures populaires passées, les ethnologues structuralistes appliquaient les méthodes de l'anthropologie exotique sans réellement tenir compte des évolutions socio-historiques de la période. A l'inverse, à un moment où les politiques publiques visaient à transformer les paysans en entrepreneurs agricoles, une sociologie rurale en pleine apogée cherchait à rendre compte à large échelle de la modernisation de l'agriculture. En contre-pied de cette sociologie rurale modernisatrice, les sociologues critiques ont analysé la crise de la reproduction paysanne en donnant à voir des mondes ruraux dominés, inadaptés et sans avenir.

International audience ; Nous avons recueilli les archives de différentes enquêtes ethnographiques ou sociologiques passées, concernant toutes la même zone géographique, les arrondissements du Châtillonnais et de Montbard (Bourgogne) : archives de la Recherche Coopérative sur Programme (RCP) Châtillonnais (1966-1970, impliquant le Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires, le Laboratoire d'Anthropologie Sociale de Claude Lévi-Strauss au Collège de France, le Centre de Recherches Historiques de François Furet à l'EHESS, et le département Economie et Sociologie Rurales de l'INRA) ; archives de Minot (1968-1975, entreprise collective majeure du structuralisme en France) ; archives de Montbard (enquête d'ethnographie sociologique de Florence Weber sur le monde ouvrier dans une petite ville industrielle). Les postures théoriques et héritages intellectuels différenciés ont induits différentes manières de questionner une même zone et d'y faire enquête. Avant d'engager une revisite collective en partant de ces fonds, nous proposons ici une description des postures scientifiques qui ont guidé les enquêtes RCP et Minot, description qui conduit à esquisser une histoire des regards portés par l'anthropologie et la sociologie françaises des années 60-70 sur les mondes ruraux. Regards " traditionalistes " : quand les chercheurs du Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires cherchaient à recueillir les traces des cultures populaires passées, les ethnologues structuralistes appliquaient les méthodes de l'anthropologie exotique sans réellement tenir compte des évolutions socio-historiques de la période. A l'inverse, à un moment où les politiques publiques visaient à transformer les paysans en entrepreneurs agricoles, une sociologie rurale en pleine apogée cherchait à rendre compte à large échelle de la modernisation de l'agriculture. En contre-pied de cette sociologie rurale modernisatrice, les sociologues critiques ont analysé la crise de la reproduction paysanne en donnant à voir des mondes ruraux dominés, inadaptés et sans avenir.

We explore the transformation of consumer credit markets in France through the twentieth-century from a case study. The local, face-to-face credit market in Lens, northern France, developed against a background of immigration and so was not based on pre-existing social networks but on the attractiveness of credit and of the goods on offer. The entrepreneurs involved innovated by connecting together the Parisian textile networks and demand from working-class Polish families. They profited from their belonging to both Jewish and Polish communities. This credit was expensive, carried no interest, was inseparable from the goods sold and the home service provided, and was not understood by the authorities, staying in a black hole of state control. Two processes put an end to it: (i) the disappearance of a way of life, of the captive customer base, complicating face-to-face identification and requiring use of the state's means of identification (vital statistics records, identity cards)—with the state guaranteeing the identity of those involved on the market and extending business beyond networks of acquaintances—and (ii) legislative action and reorganization of credit activities to the advantage of commercial banks. The specificity of French credit market is that this is the state which first shaped markets in a move to standardize the economy. This formalization was extended by banks that progressively provided credit regardless of any personal relations.

International audience ; We explore the transformation of consumer credit markets in France through the twentieth-century from a case study. The local, face-to-face credit market in Lens, northern France, developed against a background of immigration and so was not based on pre-existing social networks but on the attractiveness of credit and of the goods on offer. The entrepreneurs involved innovated by connecting together the Parisian textile networks and demand from working-class Polish families. They profited from their belonging to both Jewish and Polish communities. This credit was expensive, carried no interest, was inseparable from the goods sold and the home service provided, and was not understood by the authorities, staying in a black hole of state control. Two processes put an end to it: (i) the disappearance of a way of life, of the captive customer base, complicating face-to-face identification and requiring use of the state's means of identification (vital statistics records, identity cards)—with the state guaranteeing the identity of those involved on the market and extending business beyond networks of acquaintances—and (ii) legislative action and reorganization of credit activities to the advantage of commercial banks. The specificity of French credit market is that this is the state which first shaped markets in a move to standardize the economy. This formalization was extended by banks that progressively provided credit regardless of any personal relations.