The 2004 election in Spain: terrorism, accountability, and voting
In: Working papers 253
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In: Working papers 253
In: Estudios sobre la enonomia Española 75
In: Revista española de investigaciones sociológicas: ReiS, Heft 98, S. 171-196
ISSN: 1988-5903
Este artículo estudia la discriminación salarial por razones de género en el sector privado enEspaña. La integración de las teorías por el lado de la demanda y de la oferta nos permite cuantificaren un 18% el nivel de discriminación de acuerdo con los datos de la Encuesta de EstructuraSalarial de 1995.
In: Revista española de investigaciones sociológicas: ReiS, Heft 109, S. 155-177
ISSN: 1988-5903
Una de las limitaciones de la literatura sobre voto estratégico es la ausencia de evidencia empírica en sistemaselectorales de representación proporcional. En este artículo se constata su existencia en las eleccionesautonómicas andaluzas de 1996 a través de un análisis de panel de sección cruzada.
This paper analyzes the simplification of the party system in the nationalist space in Galicia through a model of electoral coordination based on the interaction between three elements: electoral system, political preferences and electoral expectations. Using in-depth elite interview data, in this paper the causal mechanisms behind the simplification of the nationalist supply in Galicia are studied. This analysis rests on a model of electoral coordination based on rational choice theory. ; Este artículo analiza la simplificación de la oferta partidista en el espacio nacionalista en Galicia a través de un modelo de coordinación electoral basado en la interacción de tres elementos: sistema electoral, preferencias políticas y expectativas electorales. A partir de la evidencia procedente de las entrevistas en profundidad a elites políticas, en este artículo se estudian los mecanismos causales que explican la simplificación de la oferta nacionalista en Galicia. El análisis se basa en un modelo de coordinación electoral inspirado en la teoría de la elección racional.
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Electoral rules are a crucial institutional factor shaping the entry and success of new parties. However, testing how they affect voting behavior is problematic when using observational data in cross-national studies. As district magnitude is usually correlated with politically salient features affecting the likelihood of voting for new (and small) parties, the latent support of small parties differs across electoral systems. Using a quasi-experimental design in Spain focused on the district viability of a new party, Vox, in two elections held within 196 days, I provide a more robust estimate of the impact of electoral systems on the success of new parties. Strong evidence that the electoral system makes a difference for new parties has been identified: strategic considerations found in the districts where Vox was not successful prevented a significant number of voters from supporting the party. ; I acknowledge support from the Spanish Minister of Science, Innovation and Universities (Grant number AEI/FEDER CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P), and the ICREA under the ICREA Academia program.
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In this research note, I revisit the conventional wisdom about when the psychological effect of electoral systems is observed. I rely on data from the first presidential and legislative elections in 45 third- and fourth-wave presidential and semi-presidential regimes to show that the psychological effect of electoral systems manifests itself in the first election. The effective number of legislative parties is significantly higher than the effective number of presidential candidates in the first election when the electoral system in legislative elections is more permissive than in presidential elections. ; The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad of Spain under the research project CSO2013-40723-C2-1-R.
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Este artículo analiza la simplificación de la oferta partidista en el espacio nacionalista en Galicia a través de un modelo de coordinación electoral basado en la interacción de tres elementos: sistema electoral, preferencias políticas y expectativas electorales. A partir de la evidencia procedente de las entrevistas en profundidad a élites políticas, en este artículo se estudian los mecanismos causales que explican la simplificación de la oferta nacionalista en Galicia. El análisis se basa en un modelo de coordinación electoral inspirado en la teoría de la elección racional. ; This paper analyzes the simplification of the party system in the nationalist space in Galicia through a model of electoral coordination based on the interaction between three elements: electoral system, political preferences and electoral expectations. Using in-depth élite interview data, in this paper the causal mechanisms behind the simphfication of the nationalist supply in Galicia are studied. This analysis rests on a model of electoral coordination based on rational cholee theory.
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The author acknowledges support from the Spanish Minister of Science, Innovation and Universities (Grant number: AEI/FEDER CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P) and ICREA under the ICREA Academia programme.
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This paper explores how the uniformity of electoral swings in the district vote within countries is affected by the level of economic and political decentralization. It relies on aggregate data from 3796 districts in 31 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries in two consecutive national elections before and after the Great Recession to show that the more influential regional policies are for individuals' well-being, the more uniform are electoral swings across districts. This causal mechanism accounting for the effect of decentralization on dynamic nationalization is examined with Internet panel surveys from national elections in Canada and Spain. ; Ignacio Lago acknowledges financial support from the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness [grant number CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P1 (AEI/FEDER, UE)] and the ICREA under the ICREA Academia programme.
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A new theoretical development for examining the institutionalization of party systems is proposed in this article. We build on electoral coordination theories to disaggregate volatility into the vote transfers that occur between or towards parties that are in equilibrium (which we call endogenous volatility) and those that are not (exogenous volatility). The former captures accountability, and the latter reflects the number of voters who are not acting in accordance with the existing equilibrium in the party system. Exogenous volatility measures the institutionalization of party systems. We also show that endogenous volatility depends on government performance, while exogenous volatility is a function of institutional openness. The empirical evidence comes from an original data set that includes 448 electoral cycles in lower-house elections in 66 countries between 1977 and 2011. ; This work was supported by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad of Spain under the research project CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P and ICREA.
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We examine the impact of the current economic crisis on the accuracy of responsibility attribution between levels of government within states. Using individual-level data from Spain, we show that learning about responsibility attribution depends on the saliency of the issue (in our study, unemployment) and economic self-interest. The (unintended) positive consequence of economic crisis is that citizens are now more able to accurately attribute the responsibility for political decisions than some years ago. Learning is particularly significant among those individuals more affected by the economic crisis. ; Nous analysons l'impact de la crise économique actuelle sur l'attribution de la responsabilité aux différents niveaux de gouvernements dans des États. Selon des données individuelles d'enquêtes espagnoles, nous démontrons que l'attribution correcte des responsabilités dépend de la prépondérance du sujet en question (dans notre étude, le chômage) et de l'intérêt économique de chacun. La conséquence (non intentionelle) de la crise économique est qu'aujourd'hui les citoyens sont capables d'attribuer de manière plus précise la responsabilité des décisions politiques qu'il y a quelques ans. L'apprentissage est encore plus grand entre les individus les plus touchés par la crise économique.
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Objectives The current study offers the first systematic analysis of the impact of citizens' interest in and perceptions of specific elections on gender differences in turnout. Methods Using an Internet panel survey conducted by the Making Electoral Democracy Work project covering the 2013 state, 2013 federal, and 2014 European elections in Bavaria (Germany), our probit models examine mediation and moderation effects of three election-related characteristics: the issues that citizens consider most central in the elections, citizens' interest in the elections, and the perceived influence among citizens of the policies of the different levels of policy making on their well-being. Results The results indicate an overall gender difference in turnout in Bavaria with women being less likely to vote compared with men. Yet, this gender effect ceases to be significant once citizens' attitudes toward and perceptions of specific elections are controlled for. Interest in the election at hand has a particularly strong and positive effect on the likelihood of voting. We find no significant gender interactions. Conclusion Citizens' interest in and perceptions of specific elections have a strong impact on turnout and gender differences therein. ; Ignacio Lago acknowledges support from the Spanish Minister of Science, Innovation and Universities (Grant number AEI/FEDER CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P) and ICREA under the ICREA Academia program.
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La convocatoria anticipada de elecciones para el 19 de junio de 2005 ponía fin a la legislatura con 4 meses de anticipación.
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In: Con(textos)A 14