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AbstractThis note considers the possibility that the format of the interview schedules in the 1965 and 1968 national election surveys may have influenced respondents' ratings of the major political parties on the seven-point left-wing/right-wing scale. It argues that the use of 12 additional scales, defined by more widely understood adjectives such as good/bad and powerful/weak, reduced the willingness of respondents to admit their ignorance and increased their use of the midpoint on this scale. The instructions in 1968 also urged respondents to use the scales even if they were unsure of their meanings. Some idea of the magnitude of these effects is provided by the 1979 survey in which only the left/right scale was employed. Eliminating these artifacts in 1979 contributed to a picture of a party system that was more clearly differentiated and polarized along the left/right continuum.

Results from the 1965, 1968, & 1979 Canadian national election surveys are compared to assess the effects of question design, interview schedules, & response sets on the measurement of left- or right-wing attitudes. It was hypothesized that the use of twelve additional scales in the first two surveys increased the rate of midpoint responses due to interviewee reluctance to admit ignorance. Omission of the extra scales in the 1979 survey produced the following results: (1) as predicted, a decreased use of the midpoint response, particularly in identifying the "ideal party"; (2) an apparent overestimation of missing values in the two earlier surveys; & (3) a more clearly differentiated & polarized left-right continuum, with a majority of Rs placing themselves slightly right of center. Further research on Rs' perceptions of the concepts of left & right is recommended. 1 Table. Modified HA.

TWO VERY DIFFERENT PICTURES regarding the relationship between the education system and socialization into dominant ideology emerge from the work of Guimond et al. (1989a; 1989b) and ourselves (Baer and Lambert, 1990). Using data from a single Quebec university, Guimond et al. argued that the conservatizing effect of education in the case of some programmes of study (e.g., commerce) was offset by a radicalizing effect in social science education. In their own words, "it can hardly be argued that education increases support for the status quo when one looks at the data relating to social science students.… [Our research program] clearly suggest[s] that studying the social sciences is a radicalizing experience" (Guimond et al., 1989b: 207; our emphasis). In our case, we used national, cross‐sectional data to make a case for the substantive insignificance of any such social science effect in the long run, and to support our contention that overall, the education system in Canada has probably had a conservatizing influence.

L'analyse de données provenant d'une enquête récente de la SCSA sur les sociologues et anthropologics canadiens sert d'arrière plan pour examiner les affirmations qui surgissent à l'occasion de discussions sur la nature de l'américanisation du corps professoral dans les universités canadiennes. On étudie les similaritcs et les differences entre les sociologues américains et les sociologues canadiens d'expression anglaise dans le but d'établir l'éventail des formations professionnelles et les caractéristiques de l'activité professionnelle. Le concept de «nationalité» est opérationalisé en utilisant les dimensions de lieu de naissance, citoyenneté, et milieux scolaires où le baccalauréat et le grade le plus élevé ont été obtenus. On dresse plusieurs comparaisons entre ceux qui peuvent être définis comme étant « purs » américains à partir de trois ou quatre critères reliès à la nationalité.Analysis of data from a recent CSAA survey of sociologists and anthropologists is offered to provide perspective on propositions raised in current debates on the nature of Americanization of academe in this country. Similarities and differences between American and English‐Canadian sociologists are explored for a range of professional background and professional activity characteristics. Nationality is operationalized in terms of birthplace, citizenship, and places of BA and highest degrees. Comparisons are also made for "pure" Canadians and "pure" Americans defined in terms of three and four criteria of nationality and for Canadian‐ and American‐born sociologists controlling for highest degree.

AbstractThis article presents tests of effects of social class background on voters' perceptions of most and least favoured federal parties, perceived party differences and subjective class voting. The data were taken from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. The results show that subjective class voting extended to voters' beliefs about least liked parties. And the greater the perceived differences between voters' preferred parties and their second and third choice parties, the greater the level of class voting. An index which combined respondents' perceptions of the class orientations of most and least liked parties increased the estimate of the level of subjective class voting that takes place. The results suggest that this index provides an improved way of assessing subjective class voting. This index is a useful improvement upon previous measures because it incorporates information on the extent to which voters see Canadian politics as presenting class-based alternatives. This is the conceptual domain of the dependent variable in the literature on subjective class voting, but perceived class-based alternatives are seldom measured directly.

Ceci est le compte rendu d'une analyse de données déjà recueillies résultant d'une étude nationale sur la qualité de la vie (Quality of life study, 1977) qui compare les attitudes des Canadiens anglais et des Québécois face au multiculturalisme. Nous avons mis à l'épreuve 5 prédictions basées sur l'hypothèse de la classe ethnique; 4 se sont avérées sans fondement. La question du revenu par exemple, avail les mêmes types de rapports avec les attitudes multiculturelles chez les groupes des deux langues; et ces rapports n'étaient pas moins marqués parmi les Québécois, tel que prédit par l'hypothèse de la classe ethnique. Cependant l'attitude des Québécois a été plus négative envers les cultures minoritaires et la valeur de la contribution qu'apportent les immigrants à la société canadienne. Ils ont étéégalement plus enclins à l'idée de limiter l'immigration en général, et en particulier l'immigration des pays de langue anglaise et de l'Italie. D'autre part, les résultats ont démontré une plus grande opposition parmi les Canadiens anglophones aux immigrants venant de l'Inde, du Pakistan, et des Antilles. Nous terminons avec quelques observations sur les orientations différentielles face au multiculturalisme dans les deux communautés.We report on a secondary analysis of national survey data (Quality of Life Study, 1977) comparing the multicultural attitudes of English‐Canadians (N = 1593) and Québécois (N = 674). We tested five predictions based on the ethnic‐class hypothesis and found no support for four of them. For example, income had similar types of relationships with multicultural attitudes in each language group; these relationships were not less marked among the Québécois, as predicted by the ethnic‐class hypothesis. The Québécois were, however, more negative toward minority cultures and the value of immigrants' contributions to Canadian society. They were also more disposed to limit immigration in general, and more specifically, immigration from English‐speaking nations and Italy. Set against these results were the findings of greater opposition among English‐speaking Canadians to immigrants from India, Pakistan and the West Indies. We conclude with some observations on the alternative orientations to multiculturalism in the two communities.

Utilisant les résultats du sondage national sur la qualité de la vie de 1977, nous avons examiné les quatre hypothèses qui expliquent l'influence de l'instruction sur l'opinion publique au sujet de l'inégalitééconomique. Les hypothèses sont l'instruction, la socialisation, la reproduction, et l'investissement.L'élément français‐anglais et les différences d'âge sont examinés également. Les résultats des analyses multivariées favorisent la socialisation ainsi qu'une des versions de l'hypothèse d'investissement. Les problèmes rencontrés au cours de l'étude du concept d'une idéologie dominante et son utilité dans l'analyse du processus de légitimation au Canada, sont discutés également.Using the Quality of Life (1977) national survey, we tested four hypotheses explaining the effects of education on people's beliefs about economic inequality. The hypotheses are enlightenment, socialization, reproduction, and investment. French‐English and age differences are also examined. Results of the multivariate analyses favour the socialization and one version of the investment hypotheses. Problems in thinking about the concept of dominant ideology and its utility in analyzing legitimation processes in Canada are discussed.