Suchergebnisse

"Plakate waren zur Zeit der Kulturrevolution in China ein wichtiges Propaganda-instrument. Doch nicht erst dann: Sie wurden in der Volksrepublik schon immer genutzt, um Dinge darzustellen, die die Staatsführung für die Modernisierung des Landes als besonders wichtig erachtete. Welchen Stellenwert haben sie heute?" (Autorenreferat)

Frontmatter -- Table Of Contents -- Introduction -- 1 Setting The Scene - From Imperial To Present-Day Beijing -- 2 The Circular Economy In China -- 3 The Human Factor - Garbage Producers -- 4 The Human Factor - Garbage Pickers -- 5 Educating The People -- 6 NGOs And Other Voluntary Environmental Groups -- 7 The Politics Of Incineration -- 8 Breaking The Waste Siege -- Appendix - Questionnaires Used For Research In 2017 -- Bibliography -- Index

Why do central and local government initiatives aiming to curb the proliferation of garbage in Beijing and its disposal continue to be unsuccessful? Is the Uberization of waste picking through online-to-offline (O2O) garbage retrieval companies able to decrease waste and improve the lives of waste pickers? Most citizens of Beijing are well aware of the fact that their city is besieged by waste. Yet instead of taking individual action, they sit and wait for the governments at various levels to tell them what to do. And even if/when they adopt a proactive position, this does not last. Official education drives targeting the consumers are organized regularly and with modest success, but real solutions are not forthcoming. Various environmental non-governmental organizations are at work to raise the level of consciousness of the population, to change individual attitudes towards wasteful behavior, but seemingly with little overall effects.

AbstractOver the past three decades, Chinese media have moved away from the tight controls under which they were kept since 1949. This forced those responsible for popular education to reconsider how their messages can be presented best to the public. Written propaganda, as published in newspapers, reached less and less people and was seen as boring and ineffective; the propaganda posters of the past could not compete with the many moving images and the glossy commercial messages that entered China. Television was seen as the most effective medium to present a modernized type of propaganda. As a result, the Party became a producer of 'public service advertising' (PSA, gongyi guanggao). Commercial advertising has inspired contents and forms of these PSA in major ways. Despite their important function in the wider framework of thought work, the production of PSA is hampered by three partially interrelated problems: financing, production and broadcasting. In the run-up to the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, the number and intensity of PSA increased.

On 1 October 2014, the People's Republic of China (PRC) will observe the 65 th anniversary of its founding which ended a decades' long period of oppression by imperialism, internal strife and (civil) war. Under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), modernisation became the most important task. Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought guided the nation along this path that would lead to modernisation and the recognition of the new, strong China. As the first three decades passed, it became clear that ideological purity and revolutionary motivation did not lead to the realisation of the dream of rejuvenation. In late 1978, the Maoist revolutionary goals were replaced by the pragmatic policies that turned China into today's economic powerhouse. How has this radical turn from revolution to economic development been realised? How has it affected China's political, social and artistic cultures? Is China's present Dream structurally different from the one cherished in 1949?