Suchergebnisse

This paper puts forward equity as an important structural element to understanding negotiation outcomes. We first advance bargaining theory to incorporate the self-serving use of equity. Agents are predicted to push equity principles which benefit them more than other parties, in particular those which are disadvantageous to parties with large bargaining power. Based on unique data from a world-wide survey of agents involved in international climate policy, we then study how participants assess the support of the equity criteria by major parties in the climate negotiations. Comparing these results with cost estimates from a POLES model, we find that the perceived equity preferences of the respective countries or groups of countries are in general consistent with our hypothesis of a self-serving use of equity criteria and thereby lend support for our theoretical model. While this self-interest is recognized by the participants of our survey for the positions of the USA and the G77/China as well as Russia, the EU manages to be seen as choosing (self-serving) equity arguments out of fairness concerns and in order to facilitate the negotiations.

The Philippines are one of the most decentralized industrializing countries. Yet, findings on the impact on local economic development remain mixed. This paper's aim is to ask whether the two analyzed Philippine provinces Cebu and Leyte could benefit from the increased local autonomy to upgrade their local economies. They differed in their starting conditions at the beginning of the decentralization reform in 1991. While Cebu began to industrialize after 1986, Leyte's economy remained oriented to natural resource extraction and agriculture. Despite these socioeconomic differences, both provinces suffer from institutional infirmities in their local planning system to promote local development. These manifest themselves in various capacity constraints, such as coordination and cooperation patterns or a lack of data and knowledge resources. Differences exist in terms of financial means, as more developed areas dispose of a larger tax base. Nevertheless, the decentralization reform offered new room for maneuver for local elites. The dynamic Cebuano elite used the political and legal opportunities more successfully than elites in Leyte.

"Computerspiele einschließlich anderer interaktiver Unterhaltungsmedien (Video-/Konsolen-, Online- und Handyspiele) haben in den letzten Jahren kontinuierlich an Bedeutung gewonnen. Sie sind in Deutschland wirtschaftlich, technologisch, kulturell und gesellschaftlich zu einem wichtigen Einflussfaktor geworden. [...] Computerspiele transportieren gesellschaftliche Abbilder und thematisieren eigene kulturelle Inhalte. Sie werden damit zu einem bedeutenden Bestandteil des kulturellen Lebens unseres Landes und sind prägend für unsere Gesellschaft."1 Wie der Beschluss des Deutschen Bundestags zur Einrichtung des Deutschen Computerspielpreises zeigt, der seit 2009 jährlich vergeben wird, werden Computerspiele mittlerweile auch von offizieller Seite als ebenso bedeutsam wahrgenommen wie andere, bereits etablierte Kulturgüter. Diese Entwicklung entspricht in ihrer Grundtendenz derjenigen anderer Medien wie Film oder Comic, deren kulturelle Bedeutung ebenfalls erst einige Zeit nach ihrer Erfindung gesellschaftlich anerkannt und staatlich gefördert wurde.

ABSTRACTFor many Philippine provinces, decentralization and more autonomous local development planning did not lead to the desired outcomes. This article examines the experiences of the two provinces of Cebu and Leyte. While Cebu became a centre of trade and industry, Leyte is still struggling with its local economy oriented to natural resources. A main reason for the divergent development paths of the two islands can be found in the emergence of different elite structures, which resulted in different path‐dependent patterns of economic specialization. Despite this different historical experience, both provinces today suffer from similar institutional infirmities in their planning system for promoting local development. Local planning capacity constraints, such as regional and local co‐ordination and co‐operation patterns, local finances, human capital and knowledge are analysed. The Cebuano elites used the room for manoeuvre provided by decentralization reforms more successfully than elites in Leyte. This created pockets of efficiency in Cebu leading to more development‐friendly investment policies. In order to increase local and regional planning capacity, short‐term interventions and policy reforms at the local, regional and national level are discussed.