Suchergebnisse

Day care in Alberta has had a remarkably durable history as a controversial issue. Since the late 1950s, disputes over day care programs, policies, and funding have been a recurring feature of political life in the province. Alberta's Day Care Controversy traces the development of day care policies and programs in Alberta, with particular emphasis on policy decisions and program initiatives that have provoked considerable debate and struggle among citizens. For most of Alberta's first fifty years as a province, day care was treated as a private rather than a public issue. Beginning in the late.

Cet article discute les grandes trajectoires de l'analyse de classe publiées par La Revue canadienne de sociologie au cours des premières cinq décennies, y compris la recherche aux sujets de la structure de classe, de la classe capitaliste et de la classe ouvrière. Depuis les années 1960s, trois interventions intellectuelles – (1) féministe et antiraciste, (2) poststructuraliste et (3) personnalisation – ont suscité une réorientation et fragmentation de la sous‐discipline de l'analyse de classe. Pour conclure, l'article évalue la mesure à laquelle chaqun de ces interventions ont influencé les chemins de l'analyse de classe publiés par RCS; de plus, il offre trois pensées à propos des futures directions de l'analyse de classe dans la sociologie canadienne.This article discusses the main trajectories of class analysis that have been published by the Canadian Review of Sociology (CRS) over its first five decades, including research on class structure, the capitalist class, and the working class. Since the 1960s, three major intellectual challenges—(1) feminist/antiracist, (2) poststructuralist, and (3) individualization—have reoriented and fragmented the subdiscipline of class analysis. The article concludes by assessing the extent to which each of these intellectual challenges has impacted the streams of class analysis published in the CRS, and offers three thoughts on future directions for class analysis in Canadian sociology.

Cette communication est consacrée à l'évaluation de l'importance relative du procAeGs de travail, du marché de l'emploi, de l'état du marché du logement et de la vie au foyer, de la sous‐culture ouvrière et des variables eocio‐démographiques en tant que déterminants des croyances en matière d'éonomie chez les travailleurs canadiens. En préeentant son analyse cornparée de données provenant du Class Structure Project de 1982 et de l'Étude de l'élection nationale de 1984, l'auteur en tire deux grandes conclusions: 1/ que la place qu'on occupe sur les marchés du travail internes des entreprises influe sur toute une série de croyances en matière d'éonomie, tout comme le font l'appartenance de classe historique et actuelle; 2/que le contenu conceptuel du travail et le contrǒle social en milieu de travail n'ont qu'une faible influence sur la plupart des croyances. Ces conclusions font supposer qu'une approche de l'étude de la stratification de la classe ouvrière qui met l'accent sur toute l'expérience de vie des gens now aiderait à mieux comprendre les motifs et lea formes de la mobilisation ouvrière dans le Canada d'aujourd'hui.This research assesses the relative importance of labour process, labour market, housing market/home life, working‐class subculture and Social/demographic variables as determinants of Canadian workers' economic beliefs. Data from the 1982 Class Structure Project and 1984 National Election Study are comparatively analysed. Major findings include: 1/location in the internal labour markets within firms has an impact on a wide range of workers' economic beliefs, as does past and present class affiliations; 2/conceptual job content and on‐the‐job social control have little influence on most beliefs. These findings suggest that an approach to working‐class stratification which focusses on the lifelong experiences of persons should help us to understand patterns of working‐class mobilization in contemporary Canada.

AbstractIn this article the author proposes a schema conception of belief system structure, and employs confirmatory factor analysis, to investigate the connections between Left/Right Orientation and a range of policy-centred and operation-of-government attitudes. Contrary to the results of some earlier research, this study finds that Canadians' morality beliefs are moderately consistent with their evaluations of left and right. The examination includes education and class differences in the ideological integration and range of political belief systems. The major difference between workers and other classes is congruent with the notion that workers possess a dualistic political consciousness.

A review of research over the last twenty years shows that the division between Left & Right political belief systems should not be assumed, but must be investigated in context. It varies cross-nationally, cross-regionally within nations, between age groups, & between those of different social classes. Using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study (N of subsample considered = 1,982 respondents), the Left-Right orientation (LRO) is examined here for the case of Canada: (1) drawing on contemporary theories of political affect & cognition to show that LRO is associated with morality beliefs; (2) using confirmatory factor analysis to relate political attitudes with LRO; (3) studying connections between LRO & attitudes toward government policy & operation; (4) systematically comparing LRO among educational strata; & (5) comparatively examining LRO among three socioeconomic classes -- owners, managers/supervisors, & workers. The most striking difference is found between workers & other classes, suggesting a dualistic political consciousness among workers. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. W. Stanton

This article assesses the AFL–CIO's in Bangladesh's readymade garment (RMG) industry over the past two decades, drawing upon documentary sources and in‐depth interviews conducted in 2007. Our research indicates that AFL–CIO actions clearly match four of the five characteristics of hegemonic trade union imperialism, including initiating its own organizations that it can directly control instead of working with existing unions; and employing bureaucratic and legalistic methods when pursuing workplace grievances. Nevertheless, while we characterize the AFL–CIO's actions in Bangladesh as renewed trade union imperialism, this thrust has been tempered with reformist achievements. These include path‐breaking attention to the development of women workers' leadership skills. We conclude that the labor movement in the RMG industry in Bangladesh will have to find ways to accumulate new resources and credibility and to overcome its historical subservience to the two major Bangladeshi political parties if it is to effectively counter the AFL–CIO's trade union imperialism.

This study assesses the applicability of Peter Waterman's model of global social movement unionism as an emancipatory labour strategy in Bangladesh, an important site for the manufacture of ready-made garments in the neo-liberal era. Our main conclusions are that Waterman's North Atlanticist model fails to comprehend the present-day necessities and struggles of the Bangladesh working class; ignores the impacts of colonialism, militarism and imperialism on Bangladesh's socio-economic development and labour movement; and privileges democratic dialogue as a means of action when militant collective mobilization has been shown to be the only effective way to get action on workers' issues in countries like Bangladesh. Our recommendation is for Waterman and others to abandon the quest for a universal model of progressive labour unionism and instead come up with a variety of models that apply to different typical patterns of socio-economic and labour movement development in the globalized world. Cette étude évalue l'applicabilité du modèle global de syndicalisme de mouvement social de Peter Waterman en tant que stratégie libératrice au Bangladesh, un site important pour la fabrication de textiles dans l'ère néolibérale. Nos conclusions principales sont que le modèle nord-atlantiste de Waterman échoue à comprendre les besoins et souffrances de la classe ouvrière au Bangladesh aujourd'hui; qu'il ignore l'impact du colonialisme, du militarisme et de l'impérialisme sur le développement socio-économique et sur le mouvement ouvrier ; et qu'il privilégie le dialogue démocratique comme seul moyen d'agir alors que la mobilisation collective militante s'est montrée comme la seule manière efficace d'attirer l'attention sur les questions ouvrières dans les pays comme le Bangladesh. Notre recommandation, pour Waterman et d'autres, est d'abandonner la quête d'un modèle universel du syndicalisme progressiste et au lieu de cela de créer une variété de modèles qui s'appliquent aux différentes réalités du développement socio-économique et du mouvement ouvrier dans un monde globalisé.