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The subject matter of the monograph is the medicinal use of cannabis, the most consumed illicit drug worldwide. Although the therapeutic use of cannabis has been forgotten for a long time, recently a Renaissance of medicinal cannabis may be observed, especially in North America. Many clinical trials are being conducted on the use of cannabis and cannabinoids to treat various medical conditions. There is still a lack of extensive clinical research of medicinal use of cannabis, but according to existing scientific knowledge, cannabis, and natural or synthetic cannabinoids may be useful for treating certain medical conditions, e.g., cancer chemotherapy-induced nausea and vomiting, multiple sclerosis pain, loss of appetite due to various diseases and others. The monograph discusses scientific research on the history and newest developments in medical cannabis use, the international regulatory frameworks concerning such use, and relevant legal experience in countries both within and outside the European Union. Comprehensive legal regulation of medicinal cannabis is important to ensure patients' right to health, for example, providing access to appropriate medicines or maintaining high quality and control of the medicines. The use of cannabis and its products for medical and scientific purposes, as opposed to recreational use, is not contrary to international law. It should be noted that the United Nations recently made important changes to the classification of cannabis: in recognition of the medicinal value of this psychoactive substance, it was removed from the most strictly controlled Single Convention's list No. IV. The principal aim of this monograph is to compare the peculiarities of legal frameworks regarding medicinal cannabis use in Lithuania and other countries and provide conclusions and recommendations regarding optimal legal regime in Lithuania. The following objectives were set: (1) to review the historical development and the scientific literature regarding cannabis use for medical purposes; (2) to analyse the peculiarities of medicinal cannabis use in chosen countries and to identify the key models of existing legal regimes as well as examples of best practices; (3) to analyse the legal regulation of cannabis use for medicinal purposes in Lithuania, assess the opportunities it provides, identify chief shortcomings and regulatory barriers; (4) to provide evidence-based recommendations on the optimal model of the use of cannabis and cannabis-derived products for medicinal purposes in Lithuania and the possibilities for improving the current legal regulation. The relevance of this monograph is supported by specific local conditions. Starting in May 2019, medicinal use of cannabis-based medicines in Lithuania was, in theory, allowed by law. Unfortunately, till this day not a single cannabis-based drug is available in the Lithuanian market. In the light of recent developments in international law, we must consider rescheduling cannabis at the national level, moving it from the most stringent schedule I of narcotic and psychotropic substances to the less strict schedule II, referring to schedules approved by the Minister of Health. This would greatly facilitate the use of cannabis for medical purposes and would not affect the fight against the illicit traffic of cannabis. On the other hand, if the existing national scheduling of psychoactive substances were to remains unchanged, the provisions of the Law on the Control of Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances could be adjusted to provide possibilities to produce extemporaneous medicinal products containing schedule I substances, thus legally enabling the pharmaceutical industry to produce such cannabis-based medicines. To avoid the emergence of a black market for recreational cannabis use, medicinal products containing cannabis and cannabinoids should only be allowed on prescription and under the supervision of doctors during the treatment process. It would be appropriate to provide training for prescribers and information on the use of cannabis for medical purposes to patients. Other countries' practice shows that even with cannabis or cannabinoid treatment options available, doctors are not always inclined to prescribe them, thus undermining patients' legitimate expectations of a suitable treatment. In addition, such training is also needed to avoid over-prescribing medical cannabis to individuals who do not need such treatment. If Lithuania seeks to cultivate cannabis plants to produce medicinal cannabis, following the requirements of the Single Convention, it should establish a special body, the National cannabis agency. Whether this should be an independent body or a division of an existing body is a matter of debate. Considering the best practices of other countries and the institutional framework of Lithuania, it would be expedient to assign the functions of the National cannabis agency to the State Medicines Control Agency of Lithuania.

The subject matter of the monograph is the medicinal use of cannabis, the most consumed illicit drug worldwide. Although the therapeutic use of cannabis has been forgotten for a long time, recently a Renaissance of medicinal cannabis may be observed, especially in North America. Many clinical trials are being conducted on the use of cannabis and cannabinoids to treat various medical conditions. There is still a lack of extensive clinical research of medicinal use of cannabis, but according to existing scientific knowledge, cannabis, and natural or synthetic cannabinoids may be useful for treating certain medical conditions, e.g., cancer chemotherapy-induced nausea and vomiting, multiple sclerosis pain, loss of appetite due to various diseases and others. The monograph discusses scientific research on the history and newest developments in medical cannabis use, the international regulatory frameworks concerning such use, and relevant legal experience in countries both within and outside the European Union. Comprehensive legal regulation of medicinal cannabis is important to ensure patients' right to health, for example, providing access to appropriate medicines or maintaining high quality and control of the medicines. The use of cannabis and its products for medical and scientific purposes, as opposed to recreational use, is not contrary to international law. It should be noted that the United Nations recently made important changes to the classification of cannabis: in recognition of the medicinal value of this psychoactive substance, it was removed from the most strictly controlled Single Convention's list No. IV. The principal aim of this monograph is to compare the peculiarities of legal frameworks regarding medicinal cannabis use in Lithuania and other countries and provide conclusions and recommendations regarding optimal legal regime in Lithuania. The following objectives were set: (1) to review the historical development and the scientific literature regarding cannabis use for medical purposes; (2) to analyse the peculiarities of medicinal cannabis use in chosen countries and to identify the key models of existing legal regimes as well as examples of best practices; (3) to analyse the legal regulation of cannabis use for medicinal purposes in Lithuania, assess the opportunities it provides, identify chief shortcomings and regulatory barriers; (4) to provide evidence-based recommendations on the optimal model of the use of cannabis and cannabis-derived products for medicinal purposes in Lithuania and the possibilities for improving the current legal regulation. The relevance of this monograph is supported by specific local conditions. Starting in May 2019, medicinal use of cannabis-based medicines in Lithuania was, in theory, allowed by law. Unfortunately, till this day not a single cannabis-based drug is available in the Lithuanian market. In the light of recent developments in international law, we must consider rescheduling cannabis at the national level, moving it from the most stringent schedule I of narcotic and psychotropic substances to the less strict schedule II, referring to schedules approved by the Minister of Health. This would greatly facilitate the use of cannabis for medical purposes and would not affect the fight against the illicit traffic of cannabis. On the other hand, if the existing national scheduling of psychoactive substances were to remains unchanged, the provisions of the Law on the Control of Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances could be adjusted to provide possibilities to produce extemporaneous medicinal products containing schedule I substances, thus legally enabling the pharmaceutical industry to produce such cannabis-based medicines. To avoid the emergence of a black market for recreational cannabis use, medicinal products containing cannabis and cannabinoids should only be allowed on prescription and under the supervision of doctors during the treatment process. It would be appropriate to provide training for prescribers and information on the use of cannabis for medical purposes to patients. Other countries' practice shows that even with cannabis or cannabinoid treatment options available, doctors are not always inclined to prescribe them, thus undermining patients' legitimate expectations of a suitable treatment. In addition, such training is also needed to avoid over-prescribing medical cannabis to individuals who do not need such treatment. If Lithuania seeks to cultivate cannabis plants to produce medicinal cannabis, following the requirements of the Single Convention, it should establish a special body, the National cannabis agency. Whether this should be an independent body or a division of an existing body is a matter of debate. Considering the best practices of other countries and the institutional framework of Lithuania, it would be expedient to assign the functions of the National cannabis agency to the State Medicines Control Agency of Lithuania.

The subject matter of the monograph is the medicinal use of cannabis, the most consumed illicit drug worldwide. Although the therapeutic use of cannabis has been forgotten for a long time, recently a Renaissance of medicinal cannabis may be observed, especially in North America. Many clinical trials are being conducted on the use of cannabis and cannabinoids to treat various medical conditions. There is still a lack of extensive clinical research of medicinal use of cannabis, but according to existing scientific knowledge, cannabis, and natural or synthetic cannabinoids may be useful for treating certain medical conditions, e.g., cancer chemotherapy-induced nausea and vomiting, multiple sclerosis pain, loss of appetite due to various diseases and others. The monograph discusses scientific research on the history and newest developments in medical cannabis use, the international regulatory frameworks concerning such use, and relevant legal experience in countries both within and outside the European Union. Comprehensive legal regulation of medicinal cannabis is important to ensure patients' right to health, for example, providing access to appropriate medicines or maintaining high quality and control of the medicines. The use of cannabis and its products for medical and scientific purposes, as opposed to recreational use, is not contrary to international law. It should be noted that the United Nations recently made important changes to the classification of cannabis: in recognition of the medicinal value of this psychoactive substance, it was removed from the most strictly controlled Single Convention's list No. IV. The principal aim of this monograph is to compare the peculiarities of legal frameworks regarding medicinal cannabis use in Lithuania and other countries and provide conclusions and recommendations regarding optimal legal regime in Lithuania. The following objectives were set: (1) to review the historical development and the scientific literature regarding cannabis use for medical purposes; (2) to analyse the peculiarities of medicinal cannabis use in chosen countries and to identify the key models of existing legal regimes as well as examples of best practices; (3) to analyse the legal regulation of cannabis use for medicinal purposes in Lithuania, assess the opportunities it provides, identify chief shortcomings and regulatory barriers; (4) to provide evidence-based recommendations on the optimal model of the use of cannabis and cannabis-derived products for medicinal purposes in Lithuania and the possibilities for improving the current legal regulation. The relevance of this monograph is supported by specific local conditions. Starting in May 2019, medicinal use of cannabis-based medicines in Lithuania was, in theory, allowed by law. Unfortunately, till this day not a single cannabis-based drug is available in the Lithuanian market. In the light of recent developments in international law, we must consider rescheduling cannabis at the national level, moving it from the most stringent schedule I of narcotic and psychotropic substances to the less strict schedule II, referring to schedules approved by the Minister of Health. This would greatly facilitate the use of cannabis for medical purposes and would not affect the fight against the illicit traffic of cannabis. On the other hand, if the existing national scheduling of psychoactive substances were to remains unchanged, the provisions of the Law on the Control of Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances could be adjusted to provide possibilities to produce extemporaneous medicinal products containing schedule I substances, thus legally enabling the pharmaceutical industry to produce such cannabis-based medicines. To avoid the emergence of a black market for recreational cannabis use, medicinal products containing cannabis and cannabinoids should only be allowed on prescription and under the supervision of doctors during the treatment process. It would be appropriate to provide training for prescribers and information on the use of cannabis for medical purposes to patients. Other countries' practice shows that even with cannabis or cannabinoid treatment options available, doctors are not always inclined to prescribe them, thus undermining patients' legitimate expectations of a suitable treatment. In addition, such training is also needed to avoid over-prescribing medical cannabis to individuals who do not need such treatment. If Lithuania seeks to cultivate cannabis plants to produce medicinal cannabis, following the requirements of the Single Convention, it should establish a special body, the National cannabis agency. Whether this should be an independent body or a division of an existing body is a matter of debate. Considering the best practices of other countries and the institutional framework of Lithuania, it would be expedient to assign the functions of the National cannabis agency to the State Medicines Control Agency of Lithuania.

The subject matter of the monograph is the medicinal use of cannabis, the most consumed illicit drug worldwide. Although the therapeutic use of cannabis has been forgotten for a long time, recently a Renaissance of medicinal cannabis may be observed, especially in North America. Many clinical trials are being conducted on the use of cannabis and cannabinoids to treat various medical conditions. There is still a lack of extensive clinical research of medicinal use of cannabis, but according to existing scientific knowledge, cannabis, and natural or synthetic cannabinoids may be useful for treating certain medical conditions, e.g., cancer chemotherapy-induced nausea and vomiting, multiple sclerosis pain, loss of appetite due to various diseases and others. The monograph discusses scientific research on the history and newest developments in medical cannabis use, the international regulatory frameworks concerning such use, and relevant legal experience in countries both within and outside the European Union. Comprehensive legal regulation of medicinal cannabis is important to ensure patients' right to health, for example, providing access to appropriate medicines or maintaining high quality and control of the medicines. The use of cannabis and its products for medical and scientific purposes, as opposed to recreational use, is not contrary to international law. It should be noted that the United Nations recently made important changes to the classification of cannabis: in recognition of the medicinal value of this psychoactive substance, it was removed from the most strictly controlled Single Convention's list No. IV. The principal aim of this monograph is to compare the peculiarities of legal frameworks regarding medicinal cannabis use in Lithuania and other countries and provide conclusions and recommendations regarding optimal legal regime in Lithuania. The following objectives were set: (1) to review the historical development and the scientific literature regarding cannabis use for medical purposes; (2) to analyse the peculiarities of medicinal cannabis use in chosen countries and to identify the key models of existing legal regimes as well as examples of best practices; (3) to analyse the legal regulation of cannabis use for medicinal purposes in Lithuania, assess the opportunities it provides, identify chief shortcomings and regulatory barriers; (4) to provide evidence-based recommendations on the optimal model of the use of cannabis and cannabis-derived products for medicinal purposes in Lithuania and the possibilities for improving the current legal regulation. The relevance of this monograph is supported by specific local conditions. Starting in May 2019, medicinal use of cannabis-based medicines in Lithuania was, in theory, allowed by law. Unfortunately, till this day not a single cannabis-based drug is available in the Lithuanian market. In the light of recent developments in international law, we must consider rescheduling cannabis at the national level, moving it from the most stringent schedule I of narcotic and psychotropic substances to the less strict schedule II, referring to schedules approved by the Minister of Health. This would greatly facilitate the use of cannabis for medical purposes and would not affect the fight against the illicit traffic of cannabis. On the other hand, if the existing national scheduling of psychoactive substances were to remains unchanged, the provisions of the Law on the Control of Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances could be adjusted to provide possibilities to produce extemporaneous medicinal products containing schedule I substances, thus legally enabling the pharmaceutical industry to produce such cannabis-based medicines. To avoid the emergence of a black market for recreational cannabis use, medicinal products containing cannabis and cannabinoids should only be allowed on prescription and under the supervision of doctors during the treatment process. It would be appropriate to provide training for prescribers and information on the use of cannabis for medical purposes to patients. Other countries' practice shows that even with cannabis or cannabinoid treatment options available, doctors are not always inclined to prescribe them, thus undermining patients' legitimate expectations of a suitable treatment. In addition, such training is also needed to avoid over-prescribing medical cannabis to individuals who do not need such treatment. If Lithuania seeks to cultivate cannabis plants to produce medicinal cannabis, following the requirements of the Single Convention, it should establish a special body, the National cannabis agency. Whether this should be an independent body or a division of an existing body is a matter of debate. Considering the best practices of other countries and the institutional framework of Lithuania, it would be expedient to assign the functions of the National cannabis agency to the State Medicines Control Agency of Lithuania.

Corruption prevention is an important measure addressing corruption because it targets the very roots of corruption phenomenon. Repressive measures, indeed, are also important, but they are mostly oriented to the symptoms of that phenomenon. The article analyses the impact of press freedom on corruption in mass-media sector in particular and in society in general. In order to achieve this goal, relevant scientific literature and most important empirical research on the subject were analysed. Analysis of scientific literature on the subject and relevant empirical research has shown a causal relationship between (level of) press freedom and (level of) corruption in most countries. Accordingly, mass media as a "watchdog" plays an important role in corruption prevention. Free press discloses cases of corrupt behaviour, demands accountability for it and formulates negative public opinion towards corruption. On the other hand, if reporting on corrupt practices becomes too intense, it could increase an apathy towards corruption in society. Nevertheless, free press is undoubtedly e/ective indirect measure to prevent corruption and more of press freedom leads to less corruption. Especially, this is the case, when it comes hand in hand with strong competition in the media market, high level of economic freedom and high standards of democracy. In Lithuania, freedom of the press is in a relatively good position, comparing it to other countries. On the other hand, there are potential dangers to it, introduced in recent Government legislative initiatives, related to free access to information and ideological control of media content. In order to curb corruption using media sector, it is important to strengthen freedom of press using various economic, legal or educational measures. For instance, criminal liability for defamation should be abolished as a disproportional measure. In addition, freedom of the press could be strengthened by financial support provided to investigative journalism projects, also by organising trainings, establishing scholarships or awards for the best researches, and finally, by encouraging transparency while disclosing the ownership of the media outlets.

Corruption prevention is an important measure addressing corruption because it targets the very roots of corruption phenomenon. Repressive measures, indeed, are also important, but they are mostly oriented to the symptoms of that phenomenon. The article analyses the impact of press freedom on corruption in mass-media sector in particular and in society in general. In order to achieve this goal, relevant scientific literature and most important empirical research on the subject were analysed. Analysis of scientific literature on the subject and relevant empirical research has shown a causal relationship between (level of) press freedom and (level of) corruption in most countries. Accordingly, mass media as a "watchdog" plays an important role in corruption prevention. Free press discloses cases of corrupt behaviour, demands accountability for it and formulates negative public opinion towards corruption. On the other hand, if reporting on corrupt practices becomes too intense, it could increase an apathy towards corruption in society. Nevertheless, free press is undoubtedly e/ective indirect measure to prevent corruption and more of press freedom leads to less corruption. Especially, this is the case, when it comes hand in hand with strong competition in the media market, high level of economic freedom and high standards of democracy. In Lithuania, freedom of the press is in a relatively good position, comparing it to other countries. On the other hand, there are potential dangers to it, introduced in recent Government legislative initiatives, related to free access to information and ideological control of media content. In order to curb corruption using media sector, it is important to strengthen freedom of press using various economic, legal or educational measures. For instance, criminal liability for defamation should be abolished as a disproportional measure. In addition, freedom of the press could be strengthened by financial support provided to investigative journalism projects, also by organising trainings, establishing scholarships or awards for the best researches, and finally, by encouraging transparency while disclosing the ownership of the media outlets.

Corruption prevention is an important measure addressing corruption because it targets the very roots of corruption phenomenon. Repressive measures, indeed, are also important, but they are mostly oriented to the symptoms of that phenomenon. The article analyses the impact of press freedom on corruption in mass-media sector in particular and in society in general. In order to achieve this goal, relevant scientific literature and most important empirical research on the subject were analysed. Analysis of scientific literature on the subject and relevant empirical research has shown a causal relationship between (level of) press freedom and (level of) corruption in most countries. Accordingly, mass media as a "watchdog" plays an important role in corruption prevention. Free press discloses cases of corrupt behaviour, demands accountability for it and formulates negative public opinion towards corruption. On the other hand, if reporting on corrupt practices becomes too intense, it could increase an apathy towards corruption in society. Nevertheless, free press is undoubtedly e/ective indirect measure to prevent corruption and more of press freedom leads to less corruption. Especially, this is the case, when it comes hand in hand with strong competition in the media market, high level of economic freedom and high standards of democracy. In Lithuania, freedom of the press is in a relatively good position, comparing it to other countries. On the other hand, there are potential dangers to it, introduced in recent Government legislative initiatives, related to free access to information and ideological control of media content. In order to curb corruption using media sector, it is important to strengthen freedom of press using various economic, legal or educational measures. For instance, criminal liability for defamation should be abolished as a disproportional measure. In addition, freedom of the press could be strengthened by financial support provided to investigative journalism projects, also by organising trainings, establishing scholarships or awards for the best researches, and finally, by encouraging transparency while disclosing the ownership of the media outlets.

Corruption prevention is an important measure addressing corruption because it targets the very roots of corruption phenomenon. Repressive measures, indeed, are also important, but they are mostly oriented to the symptoms of that phenomenon. The article analyses the impact of press freedom on corruption in mass-media sector in particular and in society in general. In order to achieve this goal, relevant scientific literature and most important empirical research on the subject were analysed. Analysis of scientific literature on the subject and relevant empirical research has shown a causal relationship between (level of) press freedom and (level of) corruption in most countries. Accordingly, mass media as a "watchdog" plays an important role in corruption prevention. Free press discloses cases of corrupt behaviour, demands accountability for it and formulates negative public opinion towards corruption. On the other hand, if reporting on corrupt practices becomes too intense, it could increase an apathy towards corruption in society. Nevertheless, free press is undoubtedly e/ective indirect measure to prevent corruption and more of press freedom leads to less corruption. Especially, this is the case, when it comes hand in hand with strong competition in the media market, high level of economic freedom and high standards of democracy. In Lithuania, freedom of the press is in a relatively good position, comparing it to other countries. On the other hand, there are potential dangers to it, introduced in recent Government legislative initiatives, related to free access to information and ideological control of media content. In order to curb corruption using media sector, it is important to strengthen freedom of press using various economic, legal or educational measures. For instance, criminal liability for defamation should be abolished as a disproportional measure. In addition, freedom of the press could be strengthened by financial support provided to investigative journalism projects, also by organising trainings, establishing scholarships or awards for the best researches, and finally, by encouraging transparency while disclosing the ownership of the media outlets.

The main subject of the article is corruption and lack of transparency in Lithuanian media. In the first part of the article, the phenomenon of media corruption is analysed, including main features of this phenomenon and differences in various countries. Examples of good practice of fighting corruption are analysed as well. The second part of the article is dedicated to Lithuanian experience related to corruption and non-transparent practices in the media sector. Subsequently, according to the analysis of the legal basis and the results of qualitative interviews with experts in the field, the author proposes recommendations concerning suitable measures to prevent corruption in the media sector. Corruption in media is a complex phenomenon with latent character; therefore it is quite complicated to research and measure. According to scientific literature, the level of corruption in the media sector is strongly related to the general level of corruption in a particular society. Media corruption in different world regions and countries has its own dynamics, structure and intensity. The situation in some of post-communist countries could be characterised as "systemic media corruption" or "vicious media market". It would be a bit of an exaggeration to assign Lithuania to such group of countries; however, there are problematic areas in the Lithuanian media sector. Based on the results of the research, especially vulnerable areas are regional media and the funding of public relations services. According to the opinion of the experts, a serious problem is non-transparent informal relations between politicians and media outlets. Lack of the transparency could be noticed regarding ownership of the particular outlets. Moreover, sometimes owners act as de facto editors. Key players in the Lithuanian media sector are businesses, politicians and owners of media outlets. A big threat to transparency is when a politician owns particular outlet. Furthermore, in some cases the emergence of the so-called oligarchic triangle could be observed, i.e. that politicians, businesses and media outlets (or owners of the outlets) work together, and this scheme is especially dangerous. In order to increase transparency in the media sector, information concerning ownership of media outlets should be made available to the public as much as possible by, for instance, imposing a requirement for media organisations to provide such information on their offcial websites. Another problematic area is funding (in most cases from EU structural funds) for public relations that is administered by public bodies. The main problem is non-transparent public procurement tenders, where public relations agencies act as intermediaries between public bodies and media outlets. In addition, it should be stressed that the Lithuanian media is quite vulnerable financially, especially in the rural regions, where the advertising market is small. In order to curb media corruption and raise awareness about this issue among journalists, it is recommended to organize special training or conferences on the subject. Another possibility is to establish scholarships for the best research in investigative journalism. In this case, it is important to consider the source of funding and an independent body that could grant such scholarships. Lastly, it should be noted that while the recent adoption of Whistleblowers' protection law is also a positive change in the media sector, it is diffcult to say how effective it will be in the future because implementation of the law is strongly dependent on substatutory legal acts and the role of Public Prosecutor's office.

The main subject of the article is corruption and lack of transparency in Lithuanian media. In the first part of the article, the phenomenon of media corruption is analysed, including main features of this phenomenon and differences in various countries. Examples of good practice of fighting corruption are analysed as well. The second part of the article is dedicated to Lithuanian experience related to corruption and non-transparent practices in the media sector. Subsequently, according to the analysis of the legal basis and the results of qualitative interviews with experts in the field, the author proposes recommendations concerning suitable measures to prevent corruption in the media sector. Corruption in media is a complex phenomenon with latent character; therefore it is quite complicated to research and measure. According to scientific literature, the level of corruption in the media sector is strongly related to the general level of corruption in a particular society. Media corruption in different world regions and countries has its own dynamics, structure and intensity. The situation in some of post-communist countries could be characterised as "systemic media corruption" or "vicious media market". It would be a bit of an exaggeration to assign Lithuania to such group of countries; however, there are problematic areas in the Lithuanian media sector. Based on the results of the research, especially vulnerable areas are regional media and the funding of public relations services. According to the opinion of the experts, a serious problem is non-transparent informal relations between politicians and media outlets. Lack of the transparency could be noticed regarding ownership of the particular outlets. Moreover, sometimes owners act as de facto editors. Key players in the Lithuanian media sector are businesses, politicians and owners of media outlets. A big threat to transparency is when a politician owns particular outlet. Furthermore, in some cases the emergence of the so-called oligarchic triangle could be observed, i.e. that politicians, businesses and media outlets (or owners of the outlets) work together, and this scheme is especially dangerous. In order to increase transparency in the media sector, information concerning ownership of media outlets should be made available to the public as much as possible by, for instance, imposing a requirement for media organisations to provide such information on their offcial websites. Another problematic area is funding (in most cases from EU structural funds) for public relations that is administered by public bodies. The main problem is non-transparent public procurement tenders, where public relations agencies act as intermediaries between public bodies and media outlets. In addition, it should be stressed that the Lithuanian media is quite vulnerable financially, especially in the rural regions, where the advertising market is small. In order to curb media corruption and raise awareness about this issue among journalists, it is recommended to organize special training or conferences on the subject. Another possibility is to establish scholarships for the best research in investigative journalism. In this case, it is important to consider the source of funding and an independent body that could grant such scholarships. Lastly, it should be noted that while the recent adoption of Whistleblowers' protection law is also a positive change in the media sector, it is diffcult to say how effective it will be in the future because implementation of the law is strongly dependent on substatutory legal acts and the role of Public Prosecutor's office.

National drug control policies and strategies are heavily dependent on the international legal framework. International standards set by United Nations drug control conventions serve as basic principles for the development and shape of national drug control systems. International drug control system has its own, a very specific history and dynamics of development in which the United States definitely did play a very important role promoting prohibitionist approach based on the abstinence paradigm. According to this paradigm drug use is acceptable only for scientific and medical purposes. Unsurprisingly, recreational or experimental use of drugs is considered as unacceptable and inevitably leading to addiction. This hard-line approach dominated in public discourse during the 20th century and the drug use was seen either as a sin or as a disease. However, it seems that from the beginning of the 21th century, international drug control regime, ideologically based on the abstinence paradigm, is facing big challenges and it is not entirely clear what to expect in the future. Ironically, the United States is the most important player again, but this time in quite the opposite role. Moralising teetotaller Dr. Jeckyll suddenly turned in a pothead Mr. Hyde. So-called "cannabis capitalism" process in several states of USA, when the sale of recreational cannabis was fully legalised, raised serious questions about the perspectives of international drug control system, because such practice is obviously in breach of the international law. Also it is important to note other signs of moving towards the drug policy with a human face, especially raising the popularity of the harm reduction approach to the drug problem and process of "soft deception' related to that. The latter means that some countries are choosing more tolerant approach theoretically not infringing legal boundaries set by the conventions. Considering the context provided above, the main purpose of this study was to make the analysis of the peculiarities of global drug control system and their interrelation with the national drug control policy in the light of personal drug use. In order to fulfil this goal historical analysis of the development of United Nations global drug control system was made, peculiarities and characteristic features of the legal framework of this system as well as legal boundaries set for countries by the conventions were analysed. Particular attention was paid to the international legal framework regarding personal drug use, different national practises in this perspective as well as possible directions of the future development of global drug control system were discussed. Finally, Lithuanian drug control policy in the context of United Nations drug control regime was discussed. Main research methods were: logical-linguistic, systemic, comparative as well as analysis of documents and secondary data. Moreover, relevant scientific literature, national and international legal acts in the area of drug control were studied. The drug control and drug policy primarily were explored from criminological and sociology of law perspectives. In author's point of view these interdisciplinary social sciences enable to achieve deeper understanding of drug control phenomenon than it is possible to attain using only narrow legalistic analysis of laws and legal norms. According to the findings of the study the drug control policy (national, regional or global) is a complex phenomenon influenced by many cultural, social and other factors as well as different interest groups (physicians, law enforcement agencies, etc.) operating in the drug control field. It is important to stress, that usually legal control has a very limited (if has at all) influence to the prevalence of illicit drug use, which is mostly determined by the culture, social policy and social context. On the other hand, the drug control remedies are significant when dealing with the high-risk/problem drug use. The United Nations conventions set legal boundaries to the countries, but there is a certain room of interpretation. United Nations institutions (especially International Drug Control Board) support the narrow interpretation of the treaties and usually criticise countries (as sending "wrong signals") that are leaning towards less strict drug policies. Accordingly, various harm reduction practises are on the edge of violation of international law but this is a matter of interpretation. The United Nations conventions and European Union documents make a clear distinction between drug dealing and activities attributed to personal use. The drug dealing is always a matter of criminal law; accordingly criminal sanctions should be strict enough. As regards to the personal drug use countries have more flexibility and other measures (administrative sanctions, medical treatment, etc.) could be applied. On the other hand, legal market of substances controlled by the Schedule IV (e.g. cannabis) could not be created at the same time not infringing international law. In the 21th century a gradual weakening of international drug control regime could be observed. The main feature of this phenomenon is a soft deception, which is related to the increasing popularity of the harm reduction doctrine. It goes hand in hand with the decriminalisation and/or the depenalisation of activities related to personal drug use shifting from punitive approach to the more health oriented. The main challenge to the existing global drug control system is de jure legalisation of cannabis in several USA states. It is related to the process of cannabis use "normalisation"; then such practice is not regarded as a pathological behaviour anymore. It is important to stress that this approach contradicts the abstinence paradigm, which is an ideological core of the United Nations conventions. It creates a high tension and the future of international drug control system in existing framework becomes uncertain. In order to maintain the stability of the system in particular and the trust in international law in general, the revision of UN drug control conventions seems to be inevitable. Lithuanian drug control policy is oriented to the strict control measures and prevention. As regards to the personal drug use till 2017 the drug gaining and possession were partially decriminalised because such activities were subject of either criminal or administrative liability. From 2017 onwards such activities are subject of criminal law only without any explanation of this change of law. Therefore, the Lithuanian drug control policy is moving to the opposite direction than in the Western world, i.e. to more strict measures regarding personal use of drugs. In this context, it is important to stress, that criminal law is considered as ultima ratio measure which has multiple side effects, thus criminalisation of certain activity or introduction of criminal sanctions must be strongly grounded. Preferably, not only by arguments, but also by hard empirical data supporting those arguments. It could be concluded, that decriminalisation in the sphere of personal drug use has legal and pragmatic assumptions. Such policy does not violate legal boundaries set by the United Nations conventions and reflects the newest tendencies of how modern drug control policy should look like. Last but not least, it is important to stress, that effective drug control policy should be evidence based. That means that drug policy changes should be supported by science innovations, empirical data, cost-benefit analysis, etc.

National drug control policies and strategies are heavily dependent on the international legal framework. International standards set by United Nations drug control conventions serve as basic principles for the development and shape of national drug control systems. International drug control system has its own, a very specific history and dynamics of development in which the United States definitely did play a very important role promoting prohibitionist approach based on the abstinence paradigm. According to this paradigm drug use is acceptable only for scientific and medical purposes. Unsurprisingly, recreational or experimental use of drugs is considered as unacceptable and inevitably leading to addiction. This hard-line approach dominated in public discourse during the 20th century and the drug use was seen either as a sin or as a disease. However, it seems that from the beginning of the 21th century, international drug control regime, ideologically based on the abstinence paradigm, is facing big challenges and it is not entirely clear what to expect in the future. Ironically, the United States is the most important player again, but this time in quite the opposite role. Moralising teetotaller Dr. Jeckyll suddenly turned in a pothead Mr. Hyde. So-called "cannabis capitalism" process in several states of USA, when the sale of recreational cannabis was fully legalised, raised serious questions about the perspectives of international drug control system, because such practice is obviously in breach of the international law. Also it is important to note other signs of moving towards the drug policy with a human face, especially raising the popularity of the harm reduction approach to the drug problem and process of "soft deception' related to that. The latter means that some countries are choosing more tolerant approach theoretically not infringing legal boundaries set by the conventions. Considering the context provided above, the main purpose of this study was to make the analysis of the peculiarities of global drug control system and their interrelation with the national drug control policy in the light of personal drug use. In order to fulfil this goal historical analysis of the development of United Nations global drug control system was made, peculiarities and characteristic features of the legal framework of this system as well as legal boundaries set for countries by the conventions were analysed. Particular attention was paid to the international legal framework regarding personal drug use, different national practises in this perspective as well as possible directions of the future development of global drug control system were discussed. Finally, Lithuanian drug control policy in the context of United Nations drug control regime was discussed. Main research methods were: logical-linguistic, systemic, comparative as well as analysis of documents and secondary data. Moreover, relevant scientific literature, national and international legal acts in the area of drug control were studied. The drug control and drug policy primarily were explored from criminological and sociology of law perspectives. In author's point of view these interdisciplinary social sciences enable to achieve deeper understanding of drug control phenomenon than it is possible to attain using only narrow legalistic analysis of laws and legal norms. According to the findings of the study the drug control policy (national, regional or global) is a complex phenomenon influenced by many cultural, social and other factors as well as different interest groups (physicians, law enforcement agencies, etc.) operating in the drug control field. It is important to stress, that usually legal control has a very limited (if has at all) influence to the prevalence of illicit drug use, which is mostly determined by the culture, social policy and social context. On the other hand, the drug control remedies are significant when dealing with the high-risk/problem drug use. The United Nations conventions set legal boundaries to the countries, but there is a certain room of interpretation. United Nations institutions (especially International Drug Control Board) support the narrow interpretation of the treaties and usually criticise countries (as sending "wrong signals") that are leaning towards less strict drug policies. Accordingly, various harm reduction practises are on the edge of violation of international law but this is a matter of interpretation. The United Nations conventions and European Union documents make a clear distinction between drug dealing and activities attributed to personal use. The drug dealing is always a matter of criminal law; accordingly criminal sanctions should be strict enough. As regards to the personal drug use countries have more flexibility and other measures (administrative sanctions, medical treatment, etc.) could be applied. On the other hand, legal market of substances controlled by the Schedule IV (e.g. cannabis) could not be created at the same time not infringing international law. In the 21th century a gradual weakening of international drug control regime could be observed. The main feature of this phenomenon is a soft deception, which is related to the increasing popularity of the harm reduction doctrine. It goes hand in hand with the decriminalisation and/or the depenalisation of activities related to personal drug use shifting from punitive approach to the more health oriented. The main challenge to the existing global drug control system is de jure legalisation of cannabis in several USA states. It is related to the process of cannabis use "normalisation"; then such practice is not regarded as a pathological behaviour anymore. It is important to stress that this approach contradicts the abstinence paradigm, which is an ideological core of the United Nations conventions. It creates a high tension and the future of international drug control system in existing framework becomes uncertain. In order to maintain the stability of the system in particular and the trust in international law in general, the revision of UN drug control conventions seems to be inevitable. Lithuanian drug control policy is oriented to the strict control measures and prevention. As regards to the personal drug use till 2017 the drug gaining and possession were partially decriminalised because such activities were subject of either criminal or administrative liability. From 2017 onwards such activities are subject of criminal law only without any explanation of this change of law. Therefore, the Lithuanian drug control policy is moving to the opposite direction than in the Western world, i.e. to more strict measures regarding personal use of drugs. In this context, it is important to stress, that criminal law is considered as ultima ratio measure which has multiple side effects, thus criminalisation of certain activity or introduction of criminal sanctions must be strongly grounded. Preferably, not only by arguments, but also by hard empirical data supporting those arguments. It could be concluded, that decriminalisation in the sphere of personal drug use has legal and pragmatic assumptions. Such policy does not violate legal boundaries set by the United Nations conventions and reflects the newest tendencies of how modern drug control policy should look like. Last but not least, it is important to stress, that effective drug control policy should be evidence based. That means that drug policy changes should be supported by science innovations, empirical data, cost-benefit analysis, etc.

First of all, the article deals with the aspects of the concept of corruption. 'e article reveals that de*nitions of corruption established in the Lithuanian legal acts, which are not su{cient to describe the phenomenon of corruption in NGOs: it is limited to de*nitions of criminal law, which do not cover corruption characteristics speci*c to the NGO sector. 'erefore, it is appropriate to de*ne the phenomenon of corruption in the NGO sector with reference to the broader concept of corruption. Taking into account the speci*cs of the NGO sector, the concept of corruption for NGOs is best described by these elements: public interest, the receipt of resources from donors, misuse of the resources received, use of the resources received for public interest, violation of the established procedure and the NGO's instrumentalization in order to obtain unlawful bene*ts. 'e Aid and Charity foundations are particularly vulnerable to corruption if they act on behalf of politicians actively participating in political life. In such cases, there is a risk that the foundation may be used to *nance illegal activities of a politician or political party. One of the most common examples is the hidden political advertising in various public events. Another problem is the lack of transparency in the foundations' activities. In 2016, only 8 out of 14 foundations, a{liated with the Parliament members, had o{cial websites. However, straightforward prohibition of registering foundations on behalf of politicians seems to be too rigorous and disproportionate. Such a measure restricts possibilities of politicians to engage in socially bene*cial activities but does not prevent non-transparent activities. It should be noted, that recent legal amendments, proposed by the President O{ce, are directly intended to combat the lack of transparency in this sphere by imposing additional obligations on disclosure of relevant documents and sanctions for failure to provide information. In order to strengthen the transparency and accountability of foundations it is further suggested that documents should also be freely available on the social media accounts of the foundations (as an alternative to submission on o{cial websites). Moreover, it would be useful to provide an obligation to respond to the electronic inquiries of the citizens. In the context of the Aid and Charity foundations, it is not clear what could be considered a political advertisement. A narrow interpretation of the political advertising de*nition according to the Law on the Financing of Political Parties and Political Campaigns could lead to the conclusion that naming the foundation on behalf of a politician can be considered as a "propaganda" of certain politician. 'e same applies to organizing of discussion events, which can be considered as "promoting ideas". 'erefore, it would be useful if the Central Electoral Commission of the Republic of Lithuania gave detailed clari*cation what is speci*cally considered as political advertising in the context of the activity of the foundations.

First of all, the article deals with the aspects of the concept of corruption. 'e article reveals that de*nitions of corruption established in the Lithuanian legal acts, which are not su{cient to describe the phenomenon of corruption in NGOs: it is limited to de*nitions of criminal law, which do not cover corruption characteristics speci*c to the NGO sector. 'erefore, it is appropriate to de*ne the phenomenon of corruption in the NGO sector with reference to the broader concept of corruption. Taking into account the speci*cs of the NGO sector, the concept of corruption for NGOs is best described by these elements: public interest, the receipt of resources from donors, misuse of the resources received, use of the resources received for public interest, violation of the established procedure and the NGO's instrumentalization in order to obtain unlawful bene*ts. 'e Aid and Charity foundations are particularly vulnerable to corruption if they act on behalf of politicians actively participating in political life. In such cases, there is a risk that the foundation may be used to *nance illegal activities of a politician or political party. One of the most common examples is the hidden political advertising in various public events. Another problem is the lack of transparency in the foundations' activities. In 2016, only 8 out of 14 foundations, a{liated with the Parliament members, had o{cial websites. However, straightforward prohibition of registering foundations on behalf of politicians seems to be too rigorous and disproportionate. Such a measure restricts possibilities of politicians to engage in socially bene*cial activities but does not prevent non-transparent activities. It should be noted, that recent legal amendments, proposed by the President O{ce, are directly intended to combat the lack of transparency in this sphere by imposing additional obligations on disclosure of relevant documents and sanctions for failure to provide information. In order to strengthen the transparency and accountability of foundations it is further suggested that documents should also be freely available on the social media accounts of the foundations (as an alternative to submission on o{cial websites). Moreover, it would be useful to provide an obligation to respond to the electronic inquiries of the citizens. In the context of the Aid and Charity foundations, it is not clear what could be considered a political advertisement. A narrow interpretation of the political advertising de*nition according to the Law on the Financing of Political Parties and Political Campaigns could lead to the conclusion that naming the foundation on behalf of a politician can be considered as a "propaganda" of certain politician. 'e same applies to organizing of discussion events, which can be considered as "promoting ideas". 'erefore, it would be useful if the Central Electoral Commission of the Republic of Lithuania gave detailed clari*cation what is speci*cally considered as political advertising in the context of the activity of the foundations.