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"This updated and expanded fourth edition of Chinese Foreign Policy seeks to examine the decision-makers, processes and rationales behind China's expanding international relations as well as offering an in-depth look at China's modern global relations. Among the key issues explored in this edition are: the further expansion of Chinese foreign policy from regional (Asia-Pacific) to international interests; how the government of Xi Jinping has pursued a more confident great power foreign policy agenda; China's growing economic power in an era of global financial uncertainty and the return of protectionism; modern security challenges, including counter-terrorism, cyber-security, maritime power, military reform and modernisation, and the protection of overseas economic interests; China's shifting power relationship with the United States under President Donald Trump; the deeper engagement of Beijing with a growing number of international and regional institutions and legal affairs; cross-regional diplomacy, including updated sections on Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and Russia/Eurasia, as well as Oceania and the Polar regions; the development of the Belt and Road Initiative as a centrepiece of China's foreign policy. This book will be essential reading for students of Chinese Foreign Policy and Asian International Relations, and highly recommended for students of diplomacy, international security and IR in general"--

China has shifted its foreign policy from one that avoided engagement in international organizations to one that is now embracing them. These moves present a new challenge to international relations theory. How will the global community be affected by the engagement of this massive global power with international institutions? This new study explores why China has chosen to abandon its previous doctrine of institutional isolation and details how it is currently unable to balance American power unilaterally and details an indirect path to greater power. In addition, it includes.

Almost two years ago, China and the United States instigated a trade conflict which has had serious international effects, a situation since exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. What has truly made a solution to this conflict elusive, however, is that its origins lie well beyond questions of trade deficits and fair competition, and are instead based on the looming question of a power transition between to the two states. The effects of this divergence are beginning to be observed in several economic realms, including the financial and the technological. Many other actors in the global economy have begun to experience the side effects of this completion, and may now have to face difficult choices about how to balance between these two emerging poles in the current fragile global economy.

Almost two years ago, China and the United States instigated a trade conflict which has had serious international effects, a situation since exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. What has truly made a solution to this conflict elusive, however, is that its origins lie well beyond questions of trade deficits and fair competition, and are instead based on the looming question of a power transition between to the two states. The effects of this divergence are beginning to be observed in several economic realms, including the financial and the technological. Many other actors in the global economy have begun to experience the side effects of this completion, and may now have to face difficult choices about how to balance between these two emerging poles in the current fragile global economy. ; publishedVersion

This is an original manuscript / preprint of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Journal of Contemporary China on 25 Jan 2019, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/ https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2018.1557949 . ; The free trade agreement signed between China and Switzerland in 2013 was a watershed event in the economic policies of both states,a successful identity-building exercise for both actors in addition to an economic endeavour. In the case of Beijing, the Switzerland free trade agreement (FTA) was a crucial step not only in promoting its trade interests in Europe, including the European Union, but also in planning future FTAs and promoting China as a supporter of globalization and economic liberalisation. For Switzerland, the FTA further cemented that country's identity as a distinct European economic and political actor, including in its engagement of the Chinese market.

China's increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations reached a milestone in 2013 when Beijing agreed to send a large detachment of personnel, including combat forces for the first time, to support UN peacekeeping operations in Mali after that country fell into civil war. This commitment was also distinct in that unlike other African countries where Beijing has supplied peacekeepers, Mali is not a major trading partner with China. However, this mission has both cemented Beijing's greater commitment to building African partnerships as well as demonstrating its determination to move beyond "resource diplomacy" and towards a more comprehensive approach to engaging the continent. Although China has warmed to the principles of humanitarian intervention in civil conflicts, Mali has been a critical test of China's ability to participate in UN operations in a country which is still facing ongoing violence. The Mali mission is an important step in Beijing's turn towards greater realpolitik in Chinese Beijing's peacekeeping policies in keeping with its great power status. At the same time, participation in the Mali mission has been beneficial for China, not only in helping to build the country's peacekeeping credentials in Africa but also in underscoring China's increasingly distinct views on addressing intervention in civil conflicts.

Since 2011, Myanmar has undertaken a series of domestic and foreign policy reforms, including democratisation and peacebuilding, before and after the watershed November 2015 elections in the country. These reform processes have called into question whether China, which has been Myanmar's dominant great power neighbour throughout the previous era of military government in the country formerly known as Burma, would find its strategic position eroding as Myanmar further opens to the international community. However, the concept of China 'losing' diplomatic ground to other actors, including the West, in Myanmar implies a zero-sum game that does not adequately address Beijing's still-formidable geostrategic presence vis-à-vis its southern neighbour. China has now started to implement a more multi-faceted, 'resilience network'-building approach to maintaining its special status in Myanmar's foreign policy, a situation which will persist as Myanmar continues its uncertain path towards further reform. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

China's increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations reached a milestone in 2013 when Beijing agreed to send a large detachment of personnel, including combat forces for the first time, to support UN peacekeeping operations in Mali after that country fell into civil war. This commitment was also distinct in that unlike other African countries where Beijing has supplied peacekeepers, Mali is not a major trading partner with China. However, this mission has both cemented Beijing's greater commitment to building African partnerships as well as demonstrating its determination to move beyond "resource diplomacy" and towards a more comprehensive approach to engaging the continent. Although China has warmed to the principles of humanitarian intervention in civil conflicts, Mali has been a critical test of China's ability to participate in UN operations in a country which is still facing ongoing violence. The Mali mission is an important step in Beijing's turn towards greater realpolitik in Chinese Beijing's peacekeeping policies in keeping with its great power status. At the same time, participation in the Mali mission has been beneficial for China, not only in helping to build the country's peacekeeping credentials in Africa but also in underscoring China's increasingly distinct views on addressing intervention in civil conflicts. (China Q/GIGA)

The free trade agreement signed between China and Switzerland in 2013 was a watershed event in the economic policies of both states, a successful identity-building exercise for both actors in addition to an economic endeavour. In the case of Beijing, the Switzerland free trade agreement (FTA) was a crucial step not only in promoting its trade interests in Europe, including the European Union, but also in planning future FTAs and promoting China as a supporter of globalization and economic liberalisation. For Switzerland, the FTA further cemented that country's identity as a distinct European economic and political actor, including in its engagement of the Chinese market. (J Contemp China/GIGA)