Suchergebnisse

Abstract
This article seeks to make sense of the dynamics of competition in African mediation processes and to outline approaches for effective cooperation between mediators. To this end, it analyzes four cases of recent peace processes: Sudan (1994–2005), Kenya (2008), Madagascar (2009–2013) and South Sudan (2013–2015). The article identifies four driving forces of competition among mediators: clashing interests of states involved in mediation, overlapping mediation mandates, incompatible norms guiding conflict resolution, and mediators' lack of performance. These factors risk undermining peace processes unless the involved mediators and guarantors take active steps to mitigate the negative effects of competition. This can be done through 'hierarchical coordination,' where a recognized authority takes the lead and allocates roles to other actors, or through 'collaborative cooperation,' where partners have unity of purpose and decide on a division of labor based on comparative strengths.

This article traces the development of osce mediation and provides elements to explain the ups and downs over time. The origins of osce mediation date back to the inception of the organisation during the Cold War period. However, it only became a mediator in the 1990s, playing different roles. This work suffered in the 2000s as the osce's relevance was increasingly questioned. In recent years, the osce has seen renewed growth, owing to a political commitment by participating States to strengthen its mediation capacities and because of the leading role it took on in mediating the crisis in and around Ukraine. While this is a significant development, this article argues that the osce's mediation role is likely to be limited, focusing on the niche of managing established formats and local conflict prevention.

AbstractWho gets a seat at the table and who does not is an important consideration for successful peacemaking. However, current research does not provide sufficient guidance for understanding the politics of participation in peace negotiations. This article develops a conceptual framework for understanding these dynamics. Its central theme is that the inclusion or exclusion of a given actor in peace negotiations is affected by two independent factors. One factor pertains to the practical requirements of the peace process and addresses the following question: does the participation of a given actor augment the chance of reaching a sustainable peace settlement? The other factor relates to the normative dimension of peace talks: is the participation of a given actor consistent with the values of international mediators and sponsors of peace negotiations? The article argues that the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion result from the interplay of these two factors. The most straightforward situation for mediators is when practical requirements and international norms are mutually reinforcing. Difficulties arise from scenarios where practical effectiveness and norms contradict each other. This is the case when the involvement of a given person (or group) is imperative in terms of the peace process, but difficult to justify politically because this person has committed terrorist acts or is indicted by an international court.

The UN estimates that there are 2.4 Million IDPs in Darfur -- over one third of the total population. There can be no meaningful peace process without their involvement. Giving IDPs a formal seat in official peace negotiations is problematic but there are other ways to ensure their participation. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis concluding article looks at the findings of the special issue through the lens of the Swiss experience. It traces the development of Swiss peace promotion activities, emphasising the emergence of a fully institutionalized peace policy since the end of the Cold War. Drawing on role theory, it makes sense of this process by referring to changes in the structure of the international system, altered role expectations by external actors, as well as internal processes of role contestation. In comparison to other small states, the article argues that Switzerland can be seen as a paradigmatic case on some levels. Notably, Switzerland extended its peace promotion activities as part of a niche foreign policy, which emerged in response to the post‐Cold War world order as well as a change in dominant foreign policy role conceptions. At the same time, there are a number of idiosyncrasies: Switzerland as a non‐member of EU and NATO enjoys a higher degree of autonomy in crafting its peace policy and its peace promotion activities remain largely focused on civilian instruments.

ABSTRACTThis article is concerned with the rebellion in Darfur as a way to illustrate the politics of insurgency in the era of globalisation. We first show how the Darfur rebels have projected their struggle onto the world stage, before examining the effects that this has engendered. On the one hand, Darfur's global profile solidified the rebels' cause and co-opted international actors in support of it. This translated into real leverage for the rebels, and it constrained the Sudanese government by reducing its ability to use brute force. At the same time, internationalisation encouraged the Darfur rebels to make maximalist demands at the expense of articulating a broader political vision addressing the root causes of conflict. Moreover, the substitution of local legitimacy for international connections lowered the barriers of entry for new groups and thus promoted fragmentation. The combination of these effects makes for intractable conflict scenarios, the current situation in Darfur being a case in point.