Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Insérer les deux siècles d'histoire de la science des mœurs dans une histoire plus longue, qui s'attacherait à repérer la manière dont les questions économiques se sont articulées à celles relatives aux mœurs, conduit à en privilégier deux étapes anciennes, caractérisées l'une et l'autre par la conjonction d'une perspective normative (théologique pour la première, juridique pour la seconde) et de questions économiques qui lui sont subordonnées : les années 1268 à 1272 d'abord, lorsque Thomas d'Aquin, de retour à l'Université de Paris, rédige la secunda secundae de la Somme théologique et l'essentiel de ses Commentaires sur la philosophie morale et politique d'Aristote ; les années 1622 à 1625 ensuite, lorsque Hugo Grotius, réfugié en France, y publie le Droit de la Guerre et de la Paix. L'une et l'autre montrent, à partir d'une question économique singulière – celle du prêt à intérêt – comment un savoir économique a émergé de la perspective normative à laquelle elle était subordonnée. Une telle émergence s'est cependant réalisée de manières différentes : d'abord sur le mode de l'imbrication chez Thomas d'Aquin, où les questions économiques font l'objet d'un traitement systématique, mais sans pour autant qu'il soit possible de les restituer en évitant de revenir de façon récurrente à la perspective théologique dans laquelle elles s'intègrent ; puis, sur le mode de la séparation chez Hugo Grotius où, en dépit de leur insertion dans une perspective juridique, il devient possible d'en faire abstraction afin d'en rendre compte. C'est ce mouvement initial, de l'imbrication vers la séparation entre un savoir économique émergent et la perspective normative à laquelle il est associé, qui rendra possible à partir des Lumières la cristallisation de ce savoir économique en savoir autonome, redevable désormais aux sciences de la société plutôt qu'à une continuation, aussi élaborée soit-elle, de la religion et du droit.

International audience ; Insérer les deux siècles d'histoire de la science des mœurs dans une histoire plus longue, qui s'attacherait à repérer la manière dont les questions économiques se sont articulées à celles relatives aux mœurs, conduit à en privilégier deux étapes anciennes, caractérisées l'une et l'autre par la conjonction d'une perspective normative (théologique pour la première, juridique pour la seconde) et de questions économiques qui lui sont subordonnées : les années 1268 à 1272 d'abord, lorsque Thomas d'Aquin, de retour à l'Université de Paris, rédige la secunda secundae de la Somme théologique et l'essentiel de ses Commentaires sur la philosophie morale et politique d'Aristote ; les années 1622 à 1625 ensuite, lorsque Hugo Grotius, réfugié en France, y publie le Droit de la Guerre et de la Paix. L'une et l'autre montrent, à partir d'une question économique singulière – celle du prêt à intérêt – comment un savoir économique a émergé de la perspective normative à laquelle elle était subordonnée. Une telle émergence s'est cependant réalisée de manières différentes : d'abord sur le mode de l'imbrication chez Thomas d'Aquin, où les questions économiques font l'objet d'un traitement systématique, mais sans pour autant qu'il soit possible de les restituer en évitant de revenir de façon récurrente à la perspective théologique dans laquelle elles s'intègrent ; puis, sur le mode de la séparation chez Hugo Grotius où, en dépit de leur insertion dans une perspective juridique, il devient possible d'en faire abstraction afin d'en rendre compte. C'est ce mouvement initial, de l'imbrication vers la séparation entre un savoir économique émergent et la perspective normative à laquelle il est associé, qui rendra possible à partir des Lumières la cristallisation de ce savoir économique en savoir autonome, redevable désormais aux sciences de la société plutôt qu'à une continuation, aussi élaborée soit-elle, de la religion et du droit.

To be published in R. Ege and H. Igersheim, (eds), Freedom and Happiness in Economics and Philosophy, London: Routledge, 2011 ; Based on Hume's major philosophical works and on some of his Essays, this paper discusses formally the feasibility, from a Humean point of view, of a welfare policy which would aim at promoting the highest individual happiness whereas individual decisions, like individual happiness, are determined not only by allocations of goods, but also by an emotional state. It is shown that both the intertemporal structure of the problem and the role that Hume granted to the 'calm passion' allow solving the problem, at least in principle.

To be published in R. Ege and H. Igersheim, (eds), Freedom and Happiness in Economics and Philosophy, London: Routledge, 2011 ; Based on Hume's major philosophical works and on some of his Essays, this paper discusses formally the feasibility, from a Humean point of view, of a welfare policy which would aim at promoting the highest individual happiness whereas individual decisions, like individual happiness, are determined not only by allocations of goods, but also by an emotional state. It is shown that both the intertemporal structure of the problem and the role that Hume granted to the 'calm passion' allow solving the problem, at least in principle.

Résumé

International audience ; The monetary theories that stem from the works of Thomas Aquinas on the one hand, John Buridan and Nicholas Oresme on the other hand, share common roots: they appear as the result of careful commentaries upon Aristotle's moral and political works. Nonetheless, they differ on both the understanding of money as a measure of values, and on the conditions that allow the emergence of money from a stock of metals which could be, like natural wealth, allocated to different uses. Therefore, they illustrate respectively a "conventional" and a "metalist" theory of money. The question raised by Buridan's and Oresme's political representations is to make them consistent with monetary theories elaborated separately. In this respect, they supplied a composite picture in which the Prince is an essential character. Acting as the efficient cause of money, he is expected to achieve the adjustments required by the real changes affecting money. But the question of the debasements of money gave rise to different lines of answers. While Buridan concluded with an identification of the Prince and the common good, Oresme drew a Prince whose power is partly controlled through adequate institutions and incentives, partly limited by the consequences of his policy choices.

International audience ; The monetary theories that stem from the works of Thomas Aquinas on the one hand, John Buridan and Nicholas Oresme on the other hand, share common roots: they appear as the result of careful commentaries upon Aristotle's moral and political works. Nonetheless, they differ on both the understanding of money as a measure of values, and on the conditions that allow the emergence of money from a stock of metals which could be, like natural wealth, allocated to different uses. Therefore, they illustrate respectively a "conventional" and a "metalist" theory of money. The question raised by Buridan's and Oresme's political representations is to make them consistent with monetary theories elaborated separately. In this respect, they supplied a composite picture in which the Prince is an essential character. Acting as the efficient cause of money, he is expected to achieve the adjustments required by the real changes affecting money. But the question of the debasements of money gave rise to different lines of answers. While Buridan concluded with an identification of the Prince and the common good, Oresme drew a Prince whose power is partly controlled through adequate institutions and incentives, partly limited by the consequences of his policy choices.

International audience ; The monetary theories that stem from the works of Thomas Aquinas on the one hand, John Buridan and Nicholas Oresme on the other hand, share common roots: they appear as the result of careful commentaries upon Aristotle's moral and political works. Nonetheless, they differ on both the understanding of money as a measure of values, and on the conditions that allow the emergence of money from a stock of metals which could be, like natural wealth, allocated to different uses. Therefore, they illustrate respectively a "conventional" and a "metalist" theory of money. The question raised by Buridan's and Oresme's political representations is to make them consistent with monetary theories elaborated separately. In this respect, they supplied a composite picture in which the Prince is an essential character. Acting as the efficient cause of money, he is expected to achieve the adjustments required by the real changes affecting money. But the question of the debasements of money gave rise to different lines of answers. While Buridan concluded with an identification of the Prince and the common good, Oresme drew a Prince whose power is partly controlled through adequate institutions and incentives, partly limited by the consequences of his policy choices.

International audience ; The monetary theories that stem from the works of Thomas Aquinas on the one hand, John Buridan and Nicholas Oresme on the other hand, share common roots: they appear as the result of careful commentaries upon Aristotle's moral and political works. Nonetheless, they differ on both the understanding of money as a measure of values, and on the conditions that allow the emergence of money from a stock of metals which could be, like natural wealth, allocated to different uses. Therefore, they illustrate respectively a "conventional" and a "metalist" theory of money. The question raised by Buridan's and Oresme's political representations is to make them consistent with monetary theories elaborated separately. In this respect, they supplied a composite picture in which the Prince is an essential character. Acting as the efficient cause of money, he is expected to achieve the adjustments required by the real changes affecting money. But the question of the debasements of money gave rise to different lines of answers. While Buridan concluded with an identification of the Prince and the common good, Oresme drew a Prince whose power is partly controlled through adequate institutions and incentives, partly limited by the consequences of his policy choices.