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Review of two books: Norkus, Zenonas. 2023a. The Great Restoration: Post-Communist Transformations from the Viewpoint of Comparative Historical Sociology of Restorations. Leiden: Brill. p. 436. ISBN: 978-90-04-68332-7. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004683327
Norkus, Zenonas. 2023b. Post-Communist Transformations in Baltic Countries. A Restorations Approach in Comparative Historical Sociology. Cham: Springer. p. 291. ISBN: 978-3-031-39498-0. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39496-6

The growth of the scale of absenteeism leads to the fact that part of the democracies are ruled, and an even larger number of democracies are approaching the form of rule, when the ruling minority – the representatives – are democratically (?) elected by the minority of the society. In the transformation of the contemporary democracy, the principal issue is not the return of informed and knowledgeable voters, susceptible to inevitable absenteeism, to the political elections, controlled by the "big consensus" of the political parties, business and media, but rather the diversification of the delegation of powers to deal with public problems which would allow the democratic majority to form and become recognized not merely by way of political elections. That can be called post-democracy, and still better, a bifurcation point when one never knows which direction the process may turn. With the growing scale of absenteeism, the political science models the transfer of the accents of political participation and the majority of the society, necessary for democracy, from the stage of politics to the stage of policy. That is the case of the permanent quest for the harmony of the representative and direct democracies. By means of contemporary information and communication technologies, it is necessary to learn to qualitatively establish the preferences of solution of specific public problems of those citizens who participate in public life in other ways and more independently than in political elections, i.e., of the neo-majority. As much as we are unable to cope with the issue, as much de-democratisation is possible. Democratic minority tends to degenerate sooner or later. ; Absenteizmo masto augimas lemia, kad dalyje demokratijų valdo, o dar daugiau demo­kratijų artėja prie tokio valdymo, kai valdančiąją mažumą – atstovus – išrenka visuomenės mažuma. Dabarties demokratijos transformacijoje esminiu laikytinas ne į neišvengiamą absenteizmą linkusių in­formuotų ir žinančių rinkėjų grąžinimas į politinių partijų, stambiojo kapitalo ir žiniasklaidos "didžiojo konsensuso" kontroliuojamus politinius rinkimus, bet toks įgaliojimų spręsti viešąsias problemas delegavi­mo diversifikavimas, kuris leistų susidaryti ir atpažinti demokratinę daugumą ne tik politinių rinkimų būdu. Galima tai vadinti postdemokratija, o dar geriau - bifurkacijos tašku, kai nežinia kokia linkme gali pasukti procesas. Augant absenteizmo mastui modeliuojamas būtinų demokratijai politinio dalyva­vimo ir visuomenės daugumos akcentų perkėlimas iš politics fazės į policy fazę. Tai – permanentinio siekio ieškoti atstovaujamosios ir tiesioginės demokratijos dermės atvejis. Pasitelkiant modernias informacines komunikacines technologijas reikia išmokti kiekybiškai nustatyti piliečių, dalyvaujančių viešajame gyve­nime kitais būdais ir savarankiškiau nei politiniuose rinkimuose, konkrečių viešųjų problemų sprendimo preferencijas – neodaugumą. Kiek to padaryti nemokame, tiek galima dedemokratizacija. Demokratinė mažuma anksčiau ar vėliau išsigimsta.

The paper develops the insights laid out in the chapter The Trauma of Nation's De-localisation in the book Dramaturgy of National Identity (2005). In the contemporary world, delocalisation of nations is unavoidable and, in that sense, it represents a natural process of civilisation which reproduces national identity in a transnational form both in the country of emigration and of origin. However, for the nations with an incomplete story of territorial consolidation, the opening up to supra-nationalisation, emigration, and globalisation in general was unexpected and seemed infinite and destructive for the nation. The Lithuanian nation was affected by delocalisation, among other things, primarily by especially large-scale emigration. The nation is losing the feeling of integrity. Just 25 years ago, the ideal of the localisation of the nation – its concentration on a sovereign territory – prevailed. Global life economization, European supra-nationalization, and the failure to successfully complete the postcommunist transformation dealt a blow to the national ideal that actualised "one's own state". The "breaking up" of the nation was so unexpected that even nationalism did not actualise ethnocentrism. It was expected to be just temporary costs of post-communist transformation. However, presently, we have increasingly more arguments to prove that the post-communist transitional period has expired, therefore, the current trends have long-term prospects. The de-localization of the Lithuanian nation takes place not really as a natural process of civilisation, but rather as a response to the mainly unsuccessful end of post-communism in Lithuania. The situation is to be characterised by the metaphor of trauma. [.]

The paper develops the insights laid out in the chapter The Trauma of Nation's De-localisation in the book Dramaturgy of National Identity (2005). In the contemporary world, delocalisation of nations is unavoidable and, in that sense, it represents a natural process of civilisation which reproduces national identity in a transnational form both in the country of emigration and of origin. However, for the nations with an incomplete story of territorial consolidation, the opening up to supra-nationalisation, emigration, and globalisation in general was unexpected and seemed infinite and destructive for the nation. The Lithuanian nation was affected by delocalisation, among other things, primarily by especially large-scale emigration. The nation is losing the feeling of integrity. Just 25 years ago, the ideal of the localisation of the nation – its concentration on a sovereign territory – prevailed. Global life economization, European supra-nationalization, and the failure to successfully complete the postcommunist transformation dealt a blow to the national ideal that actualised "one's own state". The "breaking up" of the nation was so unexpected that even nationalism did not actualise ethnocentrism. It was expected to be just temporary costs of post-communist transformation. However, presently, we have increasingly more arguments to prove that the post-communist transitional period has expired, therefore, the current trends have long-term prospects. The de-localization of the Lithuanian nation takes place not really as a natural process of civilisation, but rather as a response to the mainly unsuccessful end of post-communism in Lithuania. The situation is to be characterised by the metaphor of trauma. [.]

The paper develops the insights laid out in the chapter The Trauma of Nation's De-localisation in the book Dramaturgy of National Identity (2005). In the contemporary world, delocalisation of nations is unavoidable and, in that sense, it represents a natural process of civilisation which reproduces national identity in a transnational form both in the country of emigration and of origin. However, for the nations with an incomplete story of territorial consolidation, the opening up to supra-nationalisation, emigration, and globalisation in general was unexpected and seemed infinite and destructive for the nation. The Lithuanian nation was affected by delocalisation, among other things, primarily by especially large-scale emigration. The nation is losing the feeling of integrity. Just 25 years ago, the ideal of the localisation of the nation – its concentration on a sovereign territory – prevailed. Global life economization, European supra-nationalization, and the failure to successfully complete the postcommunist transformation dealt a blow to the national ideal that actualised "one's own state". The "breaking up" of the nation was so unexpected that even nationalism did not actualise ethnocentrism. It was expected to be just temporary costs of post-communist transformation. However, presently, we have increasingly more arguments to prove that the post-communist transitional period has expired, therefore, the current trends have long-term prospects. The de-localization of the Lithuanian nation takes place not really as a natural process of civilisation, but rather as a response to the mainly unsuccessful end of post-communism in Lithuania. The situation is to be characterised by the metaphor of trauma. [.]

...

The growth of the scale of absenteeism leads to the fact that part of the democracies are ruled, and an even larger number of democracies are approaching the form of rule, when the ruling minority – the representatives – are democratically (?) elected by the minority of the society. In the transformation of the contemporary democracy, the principal issue is not the return of informed and knowledgeable voters, susceptible to inevitable absenteeism, to the political elections, controlled by the "big consensus" of the political parties, business and media, but rather the diversification of the delegation of powers to deal with public problems which would allow the democratic majority to form and become recognized not merely by way of political elections. That can be called post-democracy, and still better, a bifurcation point when one never knows which direction the process may turn. With the growing scale of absenteeism, the political science models the transfer of the accents of political participation and the majority of the society, necessary for democracy, from the stage of politics to the stage of policy. That is the case of the permanent quest for the harmony of the representative and direct democracies. By means of contemporary information and communication technologies, it is necessary to learn to qualitatively establish the preferences of solution of specific public problems of those citizens who participate in public life in other ways and more independently than in political elections, i.e., of the neo-majority. As much as we are unable to cope with the issue, as much de-democratisation is possible. Democratic minority tends to degenerate sooner or later.

The growth of the scale of absenteeism leads to the fact that part of the democracies are ruled, and an even larger number of democracies are approaching the form of rule, when the ruling minority – the representatives – are democratically (?) elected by the minority of the society. In the transformation of the contemporary democracy, the principal issue is not the return of informed and knowledgeable voters, susceptible to inevitable absenteeism, to the political elections, controlled by the "big consensus" of the political parties, business and media, but rather the diversification of the delegation of powers to deal with public problems which would allow the democratic majority to form and become recognized not merely by way of political elections. That can be called postdemocracy, and still better, a bifurcation point when one never knows which direction the process may turn. With the growing scale of absenteeism, the political science models the transfer of the accents of political participation and the majority of the society, necessary for democracy, from the stage of politics to the stage of policy. That is the case of the permanent quest for the harmony of the representative and direct democracies. By means of contemporary information and communication technologies, it is necessary to learn to qualitatively establish the preferences of solution of specific public problems of those citizens who participate in public life in other ways and more independently than in political elections, i.e., of the neo-majority. As much as we are unable to cope with the issue, as much de-democratisation is possible. Democratic minority tends to degenerate sooner or later.

The growth of the scale of absenteeism leads to the fact that part of the democracies are ruled, and an even larger number of democracies are approaching the form of rule, when the ruling minority – the representatives – are democratically (?) elected by the minority of the society. In the transformation of the contemporary democracy, the principal issue is not the return of informed and knowledgeable voters, susceptible to inevitable absenteeism, to the political elections, controlled by the "big consensus" of the political parties, business and media, but rather the diversification of the delegation of powers to deal with public problems which would allow the democratic majority to form and become recognized not merely by way of political elections. That can be called postdemocracy, and still better, a bifurcation point when one never knows which direction the process may turn. With the growing scale of absenteeism, the political science models the transfer of the accents of political participation and the majority of the society, necessary for democracy, from the stage of politics to the stage of policy. That is the case of the permanent quest for the harmony of the representative and direct democracies. By means of contemporary information and communication technologies, it is necessary to learn to qualitatively establish the preferences of solution of specific public problems of those citizens who participate in public life in other ways and more independently than in political elections, i.e., of the neo-majority. As much as we are unable to cope with the issue, as much de-democratisation is possible. Democratic minority tends to degenerate sooner or later.

The growth of the scale of absenteeism leads to the fact that part of the democracies are ruled, and an even larger number of democracies are approaching the form of rule, when the ruling minority – the representatives – are democratically (?) elected by the minority of the society. In the transformation of the contemporary democracy, the principal issue is not the return of informed and knowledgeable voters, susceptible to inevitable absenteeism, to the political elections, controlled by the "big consensus" of the political parties, business and media, but rather the diversification of the delegation of powers to deal with public problems which would allow the democratic majority to form and become recognized not merely by way of political elections. That can be called postdemocracy, and still better, a bifurcation point when one never knows which direction the process may turn. With the growing scale of absenteeism, the political science models the transfer of the accents of political participation and the majority of the society, necessary for democracy, from the stage of politics to the stage of policy. That is the case of the permanent quest for the harmony of the representative and direct democracies. By means of contemporary information and communication technologies, it is necessary to learn to qualitatively establish the preferences of solution of specific public problems of those citizens who participate in public life in other ways and more independently than in political elections, i.e., of the neo-majority. As much as we are unable to cope with the issue, as much de-democratisation is possible. Democratic minority tends to degenerate sooner or later.

The growth of the scale of absenteeism leads to the fact that part of the democracies are ruled, and an even larger number of democracies are approaching the form of rule, when the ruling minority – the representatives – are democratically (?) elected by the minority of the society. In the transformation of the contemporary democracy, the principal issue is not the return of informed and knowledgeable voters, susceptible to inevitable absenteeism, to the political elections, controlled by the "big consensus" of the political parties, business and media, but rather the diversification of the delegation of powers to deal with public problems which would allow the democratic majority to form and become recognized not merely by way of political elections. That can be called postdemocracy, and still better, a bifurcation point when one never knows which direction the process may turn. With the growing scale of absenteeism, the political science models the transfer of the accents of political participation and the majority of the society, necessary for democracy, from the stage of politics to the stage of policy. That is the case of the permanent quest for the harmony of the representative and direct democracies. By means of contemporary information and communication technologies, it is necessary to learn to qualitatively establish the preferences of solution of specific public problems of those citizens who participate in public life in other ways and more independently than in political elections, i.e., of the neo-majority. As much as we are unable to cope with the issue, as much de-democratisation is possible. Democratic minority tends to degenerate sooner or later.