The EU and Central Europe: Status and prospects
In: TKI International political economy series 1
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In: TKI International political economy series 1
Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Contributors -- Preface -- SECTION 1: THEORETICAL APPROACHES -- CHAPTER ONE: On Studying European Integration: Integration Theory and Political Economy -- CHAPTER TWO: Agenda-Setting in European Integration: The Conflict Between Voters, Governments and Supranational Institutions -- CHAPTER THREE: The Political Economy of Subsidiarity -- SECTION 2: POLICY CASES -- CHAPTER FOUR: The Effect of Regional Integration on Trade Policy: Lessons from the European Community -- CHAPTER FIVE: The Political Economy of CAP Reform -- CHAPTER SIX: Economic and Monetary Union -- SECTION 3: EXTERNAL RELATIONS -- CHAPTER SEVEN: EC-EFTA Relations: A Game-Theory Perspective -- CHAPTER EIGHT: The Political Economy of Association with Eastern Europe -- CHAPTER NINE: Accession to the European Union: The Ultimate Bargain.
In: Publications on ocean development 20
In: International Law - Book Archive pre-2000
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
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"The Merger Treaty: Creating a Single Commission and Council of the European Communities" published on by Oxford University Press.
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Este artículo plantea una serie de interrogantes sobre la actual situación de la integración europea. Estudia la ampliación de los miembros de la UE y su alcance funcional, y lo asocia con los esfuerzos por incrementar la capacidad institucional de la UE. Tras de la ampliación con los países del Este en 2004 y 2007, y la adopción del Tratado de Lisboa (2007) que entró en vigor en 2009, es hora de preguntarse dónde estamos y dónde deberíamos estar. Un tema crucial es la crisis de la zona euro. ¿Nos va a aportar la actual improvisación las suficientes medidas para sacarnos de la crisis? ¿hay suficiente pensamiento estratégico y liderazgo en la UE? El liderazgo alemán centrado en la austeridad parece algo desubicado. La propuesta para más Europa en forma de unión política, fiscal y bancaria parece ahora el camino a seguir. Pero ¿cuántos estados de la UE y de la zona euro serán capaces de moverse en esa dirección? En el futuro podríamos tener más integración diferenciada o geometría variable. ; This article asks a number of questions about the current stage of European integration. It traces past expansion of functional scope and membership of the EU and links these changes with efforts to increase the institutional capacity of the EU. After the big eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 and the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty in 2007 and its entry into force in 2009 it is time to ask: where are we and where may we be going? A central issue is the eurozone crisis. Will the current muddling through add up to enough measures to pull us out of the crisis? Is there enough strategic thinking and leadership in the EU? German leadership with focus on austerity seems somewhat misplaced. Proposals for ¿more Europe¿ in the form of banking, fiscal and political union, now appears to be the way forward. But how many member states of the EU ¿and eurozone¿ will be able to move in that direction? It looks as we may have more differentiated integration or ¿variable geometry¿ in the future.
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In: The European legacy: the official journal of the International Society for the Study of European Ideas (ISSEI), Band 20, Heft 2, S. 192-193
ISSN: 1470-1316
In: European political science: EPS, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 219-220
ISSN: 1682-0983
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ISSN: 0014-2123
In: L' Europe en formation: revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme = journal of studies on European integration and federalism, Band 362, Heft 4, S. 45-70
ISSN: 2410-9231
Résumé Cet article analyse la formation du traité de Lisbonne, en y considérant le rôle des États membres et les présidences allemande et portugaise. Ensuite, il identifie les choix institutionnels les plus importants du traité et comment ces changements peuvent affecter les politiques majeures de l'Union. Enfin, l'auteur cherche à évaluer les changements. Même s'ils ne sont pas révolutionnaires, ces changements devraient contribuer à créer une union plus efficace et légitime. Une limitation importante du traité tient à ce que la politique étrangère et de sécurité reste intergouvernementale, malgré l'abolition formelle de la structure des piliers.
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