Acting As If: Dramatics, Deception, and the Production of State Power
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 55, Heft 1, S. 32-35
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In: PS: political science & politics, Band 55, Heft 1, S. 32-35
In: APSA 2014 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: APSA 2013 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 475-490
ISSN: 1743-9345
In: International security, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 88-122
ISSN: 1531-4804
Nationalist conflict has been one of the most pervasive and intractable types of conflict in the modern era. In some places, nationalist conflict has entailed lengthy wars, terrorist campaigns, and rural insurgency. Yet in many others, nationalist organizations have pursued peaceful strategies, engaging in bargaining, diplomacy, and popular protest. Why do some nationalist movements turn violent, whereas others remain primarily peaceful? Drawing on nationalist struggles against the French colonial empire, the competitive violence theory posits that violence was primarily driven by competition among nationalists. Nationalist violence erupted when colonial states pursued policies to restrict nationalist opposition and repress leading nationalists, creating a leadership vacuum and encouraging new nationalist actors to use violence to vie for influence. The competitive violence theory exemplifies an approach that can explain variation in both the timing and location of violence.
In: International security, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 88-122
ISSN: 0162-2889
World Affairs Online
In: Rethinking Violence, S. 143-172
In: APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 641-642
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 641-642
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 641
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Problems of international politics
"During the first half of the twentieth century, movements seeking political equality emerged in France's overseas territories. Within twenty years, they were replaced by movements for national independence in the majority of French colonies, protectorates, and mandates. In this pathbreaking study of the decolonization era, Adria Lawrence asks why elites in French colonies shifted from demands for egalitarian and democratic reforms to calls for independent statehood, and why mass mobilization for independence emerged where and when it did. Lawrence shows that nationalist discourses became dominant as a consequence of the failure of the reform agenda. Where political rights were granted, colonial subjects opted for further integration and reform. Contrary to conventional accounts, nationalism was not the only or even the primary form of anti-colonialism. Lawrence shows further that mass nationalist protest occurred only when and where French authority was disrupted. Imperial crises were the cause, not the result, of mass protest"--
In: Journal of democracy, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 47-61
ISSN: 1086-3214
World Affairs Online
In: British journal of political science, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 699-718
ISSN: 1469-2112
Why are some people willing to initiate protest against authoritarian regimes? How does repression affect their willingness to act? Drawing on data from the Arab Spring protests in Morocco, this article argues first that activism is passed down from one generation to the next: first movers often came from families that had been punished for opposing the regime in the past. Secondly, repression during the Arab Spring was also counterproductive: those connected to first movers via Facebook supported renewed pro-democracy protests when informed of the regime's use of repression in 2011. A regime that jails and beats political dissidents creates incentives for its citizens to oppose it; these abuses can come back to haunt the regime long after repression occurs.