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Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Note to the Haymarket Books Edition -- Introduction -- 1. Introduction: Authentic Leninism -- 2. The Context of Lenin's Early Organizational Perspectives -- 3. Revolutionary Program, Cohesive Organization -- 4. The Birth of Leninism -- 5. Questions and Problems -- 6. The Test of Revolution -- 7. The Meaning of Democratic Centralism -- 8. Preparing for Revolution -- 9. The Almost-Revolution -- 10. Party and War -- 11. Party and Revolution -- 12. After Taking Power -- 13. Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index
The meaning and reality of labor radicalism -- Understanding labor radicalism -- A short history of U.S. labor radicalism -- Voices of labor radicalism -- Thomas Paine -- Frances Wright -- Frederick Douglass -- William Sylvis -- Terrence V. Powderly -- Albert R. Parsons -- Mary Harris Jones -- Eugene V. Debs -- Fannia Cohn -- John L. Lewis -- A. Philip Randolph -- Genora Dollinger -- Cesar Chavez -- James Matles
Work and Struggle: Voices from U.S. Labor Radicalism focuses on the history of U.S. labor with an emphasis on radical currents, which have been essential elements in the working-class movement from the mid nineteenth century to the late twentieth century. Showcasing some of labor's most important leaders, Work and Struggle offers students and instructors a variety of voices to learn from -- each telling their story through their own words -- through writings, memoirs and speeches, transcribed and introduced here by Paul Le Blanc. This collection of revolutionary voices will inspire anyone int.
"Marx, Lenin, and the Revolutionary Experience offers a fresh look at Communism, both the bad and good, and also touches on anarchism, Christian theory, conservatism, liberalism, Marxism, and more, to argue for the enduring relevance of Karl Marx, and V.I. Lenin as democratic revolutionaries. It examines the "Red Decade" of the 1930s and the civil rights movement and the New Left of the 1960s in the United States as well.
In: Novos rumos: revista, Band 59, Heft 1, S. 22-38
Este texto foi apresentado por Paul Le Blanc no seminário "Organizando o socialismo do século 21", ocorrido em Sydney (Austrália) no dia 08 de junho de 2013. O autor defende que vale a pena falar de leninismo não apenas para entender um pouco do que aconteceu na história, mas também para ajudar a mudar o mundo no aqui e agora, neste início do século XXI. Ele explica o que entende pelo termo leninismo, depois toca em várias controvérsias históricas que podem jogar luz sobre como fazer uso dessa tradição no trabalho político atual. E por fim o autor faz algumas reflexões sobre formas de aplicar e contribuir para a tradição leninista no tocante aos esforços práticos para o próximo período histórico.
In: Historical materialism: research in critical marxist theory, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 105-138
ISSN: 1569-206X
AbstractThe growing field of Lenin Studies has been nurtured by the growth of crises and struggles in our own time and may contribute to present-day activists' efforts at developing revolutionary strategy, organisation and struggle. Surveying this field, it is worth focusing on three recent studies by Antonio Negri, Tamás Krausz and Alan Shandro which give attention to the methodological core of what can be called 'Leninism'. All three distinguish Lenin's approach to Marxism from that of such prominent Marxists as Kautsky. The result, highlighted by aspects of Lenin's functioning in the early Communist International, provides a more consistent activist- and revolutionary edge that might have relevance for future struggles, particularly in relation to the question of organisation.
In: Monthly Review, Band 65, Heft 4, S. 29
ISSN: 0027-0520
In: Working USA: the journal of labor & society, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 43-58
ISSN: 1743-4580
Civil rights leaders and organizers animated by socialist perspectives were a key element in all that happened in the civil rights movement, from 1955 to 1968. These included A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin, and Martin Luther King, Jr.—central figures in the historic 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Organically connected to the Washington March was a document to which all three were committed, The Freedom Budget for All Americans, advanced in 1966. It promised the full and final triumph of the civil rights movement, to be achieved by going beyond civil rights, linking the goal of racial justice with the goal of economic justice for all people in the United States. This was to be brought into being by rallying massive segments of the 99% of the American people in a powerfully democratic and moral crusade embracing the civil rights movement, the labor movement, progressive‐minded religious communities, students and youth as well as their elders.