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AbstractA publicized series of police (and other) violence against unarmed Black people over the last decade has fueled unprecedented mass protest as well as political and policy debate in the United States, and beyond. Given this ethical dispute over whether democratic society upholds its cardinal values of freedom and equality for all, sentiment toward Black Lives Matter is suggestive of what people believe police killings, and protest against them, say about the state of democracy itself. In this review, we use the latest empirical evidence in psychology and related sociobehavioral sciences to document sentiment regarding Black Lives Matter. Because continuing racial inequity is a foundational assumption of Black Lives Matter, we will also review the most relevant studies of attention to, knowledge of, and beliefs and feelings about police violence and related acts and issues that may be viewed as indicating racial inequity. Much of this work shows a dramatic divergence of sentiment across racial and political lines, as increased social and political polarization and insulation evidences in divergent attention, cognition, affect, emotion, motivation, and action regarding relevant events and social issues. In this way, examinations of the psychology of such sentiment reveal just how deep the social and political rifts run in society.

Most work to date in psychology and related sciences has examined simple, unidirectional causal processes of emotion affecting socio-political context or vice versa. In this classic, mechanistic view of science, each empirical observation stands on its own as a piece of some grander, not yet understandable, puzzle of nature. There have been repeated calls to eschew classic approaches in favor of systems meta-theory in psychology and related sciences. In this paper, we join these calls by arguing that systems meta-theory can better enable the study of emotions in socio-political contexts. We offer a brief primer on systems meta-theory, delineating three key beneficial features: multi-leveled, complex, and dynamic. Viewing emotion as a system of systems—within the person, their relationships (to others), and within the world (locally and globally)—enables fresh theory, method, and statistical analysis well suited to the study of emotion in a socio-political context. ; Version of record

Much of the conflict in Northern Ireland is based on investments in one of three opposing political futures possible for the region: remaining part of Britain, joining Ireland, or becoming independent. Speculative scenarios describing each of these futures were randomly assigned to equal numbers of Protestant and Catholic undergraduates in Northern Ireland, and their expectations regarding material and civic improvement for their ingroup and peace and reconciliation between the groups were assessed. Two dimensions of religious identity, measured by the Identity and Public subscales of Luhtanen and Crocker's (1992) Collective Self‐Esteem Scale (CSES), moderated the differences between groups, but only for their expectations of peace and reconciliation. Stronger expectations of improvement for the ingroup were related to higher scores on the Public subscale, regardless of religion or the political future presented. Thus, group identity had a complex, context‐dependent relationship to intergroup conflict.

The 21st century has seen unprecedented levels of mass protest all over the world. Protest is a dynamic interplay of actions over time, across levels of society (e.g., individual, interpersonal, group, intergroup), and across domains (e.g., social, cultural, political, economic). To illustrate this systems view, we first describe the local and global ecology of protest as it operates in the world now. We rely mainly on macro-level social science research to describe the scale and scope of specific movements (e.g., Black Lives Matter) as well as temporal trends in protest across the world. Second, we offer an expansive conceptualization of the types of protest, and the consequences of protest, based on an integrative review of micro- and meso-level research in psychology, and macro-level research in social science. Third, we present a temporal social network analysis of the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement as an empirical example of a systems approach.

To date, there is little in the way of theorizing or empirical work on the imagined endpoint of political action aimed at social change – the type of "dream" those engaged in action are attempting to bring into fruition. We suggest that previous approaches have focused narrowly on one type of social change – amelioration of collective grievances. In contrast, we argue that social change is much richer and imaginative than this narrow focus suggests. In the present article we draw on key constructs in social psychology (e.g., goals, efficacy, legitimacy, identity, social system, and social value) in order to develop a typology of social change goals. In doing so, we explain why people might support one type of social change (e.g., revolution) versus others (e.g., separatism or amelioration). The typology is used to discuss future directions for research and to highlight the implications for psychological (and broader) approaches to social change. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion