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What are the ideational, strategic, and political foundations of current Australian policy towards China? Although the strategic and security implication of a rising China in the region is frequently seen as a modern issue, the challenge of how to deal with a 'China growing strong' has preoccupied Australia since the 1950s; while modern approaches date from the 1960s. This paper traces the evolution of Australian security policy, attitudes, strategies, and assumptions behind both Liberal and Labor responses to the 'China security question' as well as the politics driving theme from Prime Minister Robert Menzies through to current Prime Minister John Howard. How have attitudes and responses to the 'China security question' evolved and changed, why did they do so, and how is this relevant to understanding current and future Australian responses to meeting the challenge of China's continued rise today? This paper explores these questions in chronological order, which coincides with the thematic development of the 'China security question' beginning with the Liberal Governments up to 1972, then to the Whitlam Government and the period leading to the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, and finally from the post-Tiananmen period to the present one culminating in Prime Minister John Howard's attempt at 'synthesis' of both Liberal and Labor approaches to the question.

The days of Chinese double-digit growth are gone. Yet, the analytical separation of economic matters from strategic and military planning is both surprising and illogical. Beijing's capacity to continue building its military power is diminishing much faster than is commonly appreciated.

The days of Chinese double-digit growth are gone. Yet, the analytical separation of economic matters from strategic and military planning is both surprising and illogical. Beijing's capacity to continue building its military power is diminishing much faster than is commonly appreciated.

This article explains why the Chosŏn government and the military in particular expanded state control over forests in the seventeenth century and analyzes the implications of forest administration in a preindustrial polity. From 1592 to 1598, the Chosŏn dynasty suffered invasions from Japan that displaced much of the Korean population and devastated the economy and environment. The crucial role of the navy during the war, along with a dire postwar situation, heightened government anxieties about deforestation and timber scarcity. Thus, in the seventeenth century, the Chosŏn government expanded administration over forests, particularly pine forests, across the coasts and islands of southwestern Korea. The key vehicle for the expansion was the military. Due to wartime and postwar exigencies, the military became the late Chosŏn state's primary organ for management of wood resources for state purposes. Furthermore, the growth of pine-centric state forests and shifts in military priorities would significantly reshape Korean ecologies.

Despite an ideological framework of rationality and fairness, decisions of a college committee on student petitions are found to favour certain categories of petitioners, and certain types of argument. The patterns of decision-making are analysed within a theoretical framework. The greatest difficulties in making decisions occur when compromise must be achieved between conflicting values about education. The present study suggests that different notions of equity are involved. Tendencies to regularize equity in the name of rationality and fairness may actually reduce responsiveness of the petition process both to the student needs for which it was established, and the changing flux of political com- promise between different educational values in the college. ; Bien qu 'elles se situent dans un contexte idéologique de rationalité et d'impartialité, les décisions prises par les administrateurs de collège face aux pétitions étudiantes favorisent certains groupes de pétionnaires et privilégient certains types d'arguments. Les différents modèles de prises de décision sont analysés suivant une approche théorique. La prise de décision devient très délicate lorsqu 'il s'agit de trouver des compromis entre des valeurs opposées du système d'éducation. La présente étude amène à penser que différentes notions d'équité sont mises de l'avant. La tendance actuelle à définir et orienter cette notion même d'équité afin de satisfaire les objectifs de rationalité et d'impartialité, réduit la sensibilité du processus de pétition vis-à-vis des besoins étudiants d'une part et des équilibres éphé-mères entre les différentes valeurs d'éducation collégial d'autre part.

On Labor Day 1974, President Ford signed into law~the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974, commonly known by its acronym ERISA. The genesis of ERISA is found in a study released in 1965 by the President's Committee on Corporate Pension Fund and Other Private Retirement and Welfare Programs, titled "Public Policy and Private Pension Programs-A Report to the President on Private Employee Retirement Plans." The Committee had been established in 1962 by President Kennedy in recognition of the growth of the pension industry and the need for reform. The report made recommendations as to vesting; funding; termination insurance and portability; perceived inequities under tax laws as to coverage, integration with social security, absence of limitations on contributions, and favorable treatment as to lump-sum distributions of employer securities; fiduciary reforms, principally concerning investments in employer securities; and disclosure to plan participants as to investment holdings. This report served as the basis for many of the subsequent legislative proposals in the pension area, principally beginning in 1968 in the labor committees of the House and Senate. By September, 1973, the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare and the Senate Committee on Finance had reported out of committee major pension reform bills-S. 4 and S. 1179, respectively. These two labor and tax bills were melded into a single compromise bill and tacked as a rider onto a House revenue bill, H.R. 4200, in September of 1973 when the compromise labor- tax bill was passed by the Senate. This bill contained, among others, provisions as to coverage, vesting, minimum funding, optional forms of benefits, requirements for tax-qualification of plans, limitations on contributions and benefits, portability and termina- tion insurance, reporting and disclosure, and fiduciary standards and enforcement. As discussed below, H.R. 4200 assigned specific functions to the Department of Labor and to the Department of the Treasury, thereby tending to create a dominant role for each of these agencies of the executive branch and minimizing the degree of jurisdictional overlap in the above areas.

"Based upon a series of lectures delivered at Cambridge university in the autumn of 1922 at the instance of the Board of economics."--Pref. ; Bibliography: p. 121. ; The ultimate organization.--Industrial organization in the United States.--Past and present tendencies in France, Germany, and Italy.--Industrial organization in England.--General tendencies and indications.--Legislation or evolution. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The unique Scottish legal system stands apart from the better-known Anglo-American legal system, with variations relating to jury size (15 vs. 12), the number of verdicts available (3 vs. 2) and majority size (simple majority vs. unanimous). At present, only a handful of investigations have explored the effects of the Scottish 'not proven' verdict on jurors, and only a single study has explored the combined impact of the unique elements of the Scottish legal system on juror and jury decision making. The current study is the first to investigate the views of Scottish legal professionals on the three-verdict system, 15-person jury and simple majority verdict system. The aim of the study is to inform public and political debate, involve legal stakeholders in policy changes and decision making and compare legal professionals' views with findings from previously conducted juror studies. Seventy-eight legal professionals took part in an online survey which asked for ratings and open responses on their attitudes to the Scottish (a) three-verdict system, (b) 15-person jury and (c) simple majority system. The results highlighted strong positive attitudes towards the 'not proven' verdict (particularly in a binary-verdict system of proven and not proven), 15-person juries and both the simple and qualified majority verdict systems. There was minimal support for reform towards an Anglo-American system. Instead, the reforms preferred by the legal professionals would be to require a qualified majority of 12/15 jurors, and to use a binary-verdict system of proven and not proven.

The current Scottish verdict system includes three verdicts: 'guilty', 'not guilty' and 'not proven'. The Scottish Government are currently reviewing the utility of the not proven verdict. Proponents of the not proven verdict suggest that it directs jurors to their true role of determining whether the prosecution's case has, or has not, been 'proven'. Reformists suggest a move to a system similar to England and Wales, with only guilty and not guilty verdicts. However, legal professionals have indicated a preference for an alternative system of proven and not proven. The aim of the current study was to test the effects of a proven and not proven system on verdicts given, when compared to alternative verdict systems (specifically, the current Scottish and Anglo-American verdict systems). 227 mock jurors watched a staged murder trial, filmed in a real-life courtroom, with legal professionals questioning witnesses and a judge giving legal direction. Jurors were significantly more likely to convict in a guilty and not guilty verdict system than either a proven and not proven or a guilty, not guilty and not proven verdict system. Future research should replicate this study with a focus on the impact of the not proven verdict in sexual offences.

BackgroundComprehensive smoke-free legislation covering all enclosed public places and workplaces was implemented in England on 1 July 2007. This study examines the impact of this legislation on smoking prevalence, number of cigarettes smoked and location of smoking, controlling for secular trends through the end of 2008.Method and findingsRepeat cross sectional survey using nationally representative data from the Health Survey for England (HSE). In total there are 54,333 respondents from 2003-2008. Logit and linear regression models were used to examine the effect of the legislation on smoking prevalence and the number of cigarettes smoked daily among continuing smokers which took the underlying trend into account. Our finding suggest that smoking prevalence (current smoker) decreased from 25% in 2003 to 21% in 2008 (AOR = 0.96 per year, 95% CI = 0.95-0.98, P<0.01) and the mean number of cigarettes consumed daily by smokers decreased from 14.1 in 2003 to 13.1 in 2008 (coefficient for time trend = -0.28±0.06 SE cig/day per year, P<0.01). After adjusting for these trends the introduction of smoke-free legislation was not associated with additional reductions in smoking prevalence (AOR = 1.02, 95% CI = 0.94-1.11, P = 0.596) or daily cigarette use in smokers (0.42±0.28 SE; P = 0.142). The percentage of respondents reporting smoking 'at work' and 'inside pubs or bars' decreased significantly from 14% to 2% (p<0.001) and from 34% to 2% (p<0.001), respectively, after the legislation. The percentage reporting smoking 'inside restaurants, cafes, or canteens' decreased significantly from 9% to 1% (p<0.001) and 'inside their home' decreased significantly from 65% to 55% (p<0.01).ConclusionThere is widespread compliance with the smoke-free legislation in England, which has led to large drops in indoor smoking in all venues, including at home. Declines in smoking prevalence and consumption continued along existing trends; they did not accelerate during the 18 months immediately following implementation.

If one believes press reports, the misuse of computers is rampant. The same the many other misuses have gone unreported as a result of the embarrassment and loss of image/integrity of those affected (as victims) and the belief that to expose misuses will lead to further problems and expense, as well as encourage copy-cat crimes. Much of the press coverage of computer misuse has centered on the younger members of computing community using inexpensive personal computer systems. The placement of powerful tools into the hands of adolescents without imposing the appropriate control would appear to be a contributing factor to their unfettered use of computers and communications systems. Such usage ranges from benign exploration of the powers of computational and communication systems, through the malicious use of those devices for personal aggrandisement, to the use of computers for distinctly criminal activities. At present there are no technological or ethical barriers that separate the explorer from the criminal; possibly the prospect of being able to perform more and more complex projects can innocently lead the benign learner into improper activities. Conversely the blame for breaches of security and the infiltration of personal, private systems, is sometimes placed on the backs of the owners of those systems for maintaining an attractive nuisance. Concern must also be expressed about the community-developing attractive nuisances of bulletin boards (BBS's), many of which are benign, but too many of which are used to extend the fringe area of illegality in exchanging pirated software, providing message systems for immoral or illegal purposes, and revealing cracks in governmental and commercial security.

For M. Foucault, governmentality takes population as its subject and object in order to transform the targeted people into enterprising subjects by reconstituting their subjectivities, so that the art of government is to instill rules of conduct into their self-knowledge via their souls. In the regime of neoliberal governmentality, international competitiveness comes to define teachers as the source of a problem undermining national prospects. In order to improve the quality of human capital, the strategy of performance management is introduced. Foucauldian scholars conceptualize its negative influence on teachers as performativity, illustrating how they are subject to social returns. While performativity is able to foreground the dark side of performance management policy, Foucauldian researchers may overlook its positive influence on productive faculty members. In order to examine this possible aspect, 16 individual interviews were completed in sampled regions. The findings show that although productive university teachers suffered a considerable amount of pressure from this policy, it facilitated them to validate their academic commitment and to acquire social status. This validation subscribed the culture of neoprofessionalism.