Suchergebnisse

With rapid industrial and urban growth taking place across the border, there has been a marked increase in public concern in Hong Kong over cross-border environmental problems since the early 1990s. Despite this increased concern, however, very little systematic research has been conducted on the issue. This article addresses the question of how, and to what extent, the SAR government could work with various jurisdictions across the border to address cross-border environmental problems within the "one country, two systems" governance framework. It concludes on a pessimistic note by pointing out that current signs strongly suggest that the SAR government is even more pro-business than the colonial government. Coupled with China's fragmented environmental governance structure and a dominant pro-growth culture permeating the delta region, all indications point to an uphill and long drawn-out battle for environmental managers on both sides of the border to bring forth improvements in this fast-growing and continually deteriorating landscape.

China'sde jureurbanization level more than doubled in the five years between 1982 and 1987, jumping from 20.8 per cent to 46 6 per cent (Table 1). The Chinese State Statistical Bureau (SSB) officials explained that this unprecedented increase was largely the result of an increase in the number of urban towns since the mid 1984 relaxation of criteria for urban town designation.1 This is, however, only a partial explanation. My own analysis shows that much of the gain in the town population was in fact due to the post-1984 governing system of"town administering village" (zhen guan cun). Many newly designated urban towns (and some existing towns as well) have enlarged their administrative territories to include a huge number of agricultural residents in their official urban population. Most of these rural persons, however, judged by strict occupational and residential criteria, should not have been counted as urban population. The inclusion of many agricultural persons in the urban sector since mid 1984 has thus greatly exaggerated the actual urbanization level.2

The state of housing has a direct impact on a country's level of public health and an indirect effect on labour productivity through the general morale of the workers. Practically all the developing countries face serious housing problems, particularly in the urban areas. China, a developing country that upholds socialist economic principles, is no exception in this regard. One of the purposes of this article is to demonstrate that China shares with many developing countries the same intractable problems – namely, a shortage of housing supply and housing inequality in the urban sector. But having said that China's urban housing problem is brought about by policy directives and institutional arrangements that differ entirely from those in capitalist economies.

After delineating the nature and extent of China's urban housing problem, the article discusses the causes of the problems and outlines current remedial policies. The achievements and shortcomings of these policies are assessed. It is pointed out that the increased rate of housing investment since 1979 still has not matched the estimated demand for housing. (DÜI-Sen)