Origins of protective labor legislation for women, 1905 - 1925
In: SUNY series on women and work
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In: SUNY series on women and work
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 296-301
ISSN: 1528-4190
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 296-301
ISSN: 0898-0306
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 296-301
ISSN: 0898-0306
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 296-301
ISSN: 0898-0306
A review essay on books by: Barbara Meil Hobson, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 1990); & Robyn Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 1890-1935 (New York: Oxford U Press, 1991 [see listings in IRPS No. 71]). These books explore gender as an element in social policy creation & emphasize the Victorian ideal of womanhood. Hobson's book challenges the Victorian vision of prostitutes as passive victims, which was based on the assumption that women are purer than men by virtue of their asexuality. Given the choices available to poor women, prostitution was sometimes a rational economic decision. Hobson also examines the contemporary situation & questions legalization & other alternatives that consider prostitution as both sex & work, public & private. Muncy's book argues that the Progressive reform movement & the US welfare state were shaped by the experiences of white middle-class women in the 1890s. Jane Addams & the women connected to Hull House lobbied for the Children's Bureau & specific civil service jobs. These reformers worked within the boundaries set by the "cult of domesticity" & Victorian ideals of self-sacrifice. They defined social work as policy making, & child welfare reform was based on their assumptions into the 1930s. In many ways they dominated & set moral standards for other women. Power relations were not challenged. E. Blackwell
In: Journal of comparative family studies, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 399-400
ISSN: 1929-9850
In: The American journal of sociology, Band 94, Heft 3, S. 677-679
ISSN: 1537-5390
In: Review of radical political economics, Band 17, Heft 1-2, S. 187-200
ISSN: 1552-8502
Protective labor legislation for women can be seen as one aspect of the trend towards rationalization of the work process, but also as a response by the state to the specific situation of women: responsible both for domestic labor in the home and (low-wage) work in the industrial labor force. This paper examines the shift in legal ideologies which permitted these laws to become legitimated, and then shows how protective labor laws for women (like the movement for scientific management) was a means used to undercut workers' organizing, by attempting to establish a neutral "objective" method of determining the length of the working day. This paper then analyzes minimum wage legislation, which shows that these laws were never intended to make women self-sufficient (like men); therefore the laws also reinforce women's primary role in the home.
In: Review of radical political economics, Band 17, S. 187-200
ISSN: 0486-6134
Sees this legal response to the problem of overwork for women as reinforcing women's primary role in the home; U.S. Implication of the minimum wage laws.
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 359-361
ISSN: 0036-8237
In: Labour / Le Travail, Band 28, S. 359