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ResumenEn este artículo examino la gratitud y la ingratitud como herramientas analíticas valiosas para determinar cómo las desigualdades sociales le dan forma a las prácticas de parentesco. Acusar a un pariente de ingratitud revela los límites y las líneas de falla del parentesco, así como también expectativas estrechamente relacionadas sobre qué debe ser dado, cómo debe ser dado y cómo debe ser recibido. Como tal, este ensayo sigue la línea de una valiosa tradición antropológica de unificar los análisis del don y del parentesco. Argumento que expresiones de y discursos sobre la gratitud y la ingratitud remiten muy de cerca a dimensiones de relaciones sociales tales como el género, la generación y la clase social, y simultáneamente revelan tensiones dentro de las relaciones de parentesco donde el deber y la obligación son cuestionados. Los ejemplos etnográficos son tomados del trabajo de campo en Ayacucho, una pequeña ciudad en los Andes peruanos, donde la crianza adoptiva informal y las relaciones tensas entre hijos adultos y sus padres ancianos suministran dos esferas relacionadas de expresiones de ideas acerca de la gratitud y la ingratitud. Analizando estos dos ejemplos, argumento que la gratitud y la ingratitud son heurísticas analíticas, útiles para identificar y centrarse sobre dimensiones de relaciones que, según se entiende, caen dentro del dominio del parentesco, y son potencialmente útiles también en otros escenarios.Palabras clave: Parentesco, crianza, niñez, el don, Perú. Abstract. Towards an Anthropology of Ingratitude: Notes from Andean KinshipAccusations of ingratitude to kin reveal much about the edges and fault lines of kinship that would otherwise not be apparent. But equally, they reveal much that is unexpected about the gift – about expectations of what should be given and how it should be received. In this article, I bring together anthropological literature on the gift and on kinship in order to argue that expressions of gratitude or ingratitude index dimensions of social relations such as gender, generation, and social class, and simultaneously reveal tensions within kinship relations where duty and obligation are contested. Examples are drawn from fieldwork where informal fostering and the fraught relations between grown children and their aging parents provide arenas for analysis of expressions of gratitude and ingratitude. Analyzing these examples, I argue for gratitude as an analytical heuristic, useful to identify and focus upon dimensions of relations understood to fall within the domain of kinship, and potentially useful in other settings as well.Key words: fostering, childhood, the gift, the Andes. 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Report summarizing preliminary ethnographic research on aging in Highland Peru.

AbstractIn this article I examine gratitude and ingratitude as valuable analytical tools for determining how social inequalities inform kinship practices. Accusing one's kin of ingratitude reveals the edges and fault lines of kinship, as well as closely related expectations aboutwhatshould be given,howit should be given, and how it should bereceived. As such, this essay follows in an esteemed anthropological tradition of unifying analyses of the gift and of kinship. It argues that expressions of and talk about gratitude and ingratitude closely index dimensions of social relations such as gender, generation, and social class, and simultaneously reveal tensions within kinship relations where duty and obligation are contested. Ethnographic examples are drawn from fieldwork in Ayacucho, a small city in the Peruvian Andes, where informal fostering and the fraught relations between grown children and their aging parents provide two related arenas for expressions of ideas about gratitude and ingratitude. Analyzing these two examples, I argue for gratitude and ingratitude as analytical heuristics, useful to identify and focus upon dimensions of relations understood to fall within the domain of kinship, and potentially useful in other settings as well.

Migration from Peru has increased dramatically over the past decade, but the social and relational repercussions of these transnational movements have not yet been fully explored. Examination of the way migrants manage their responsibilities to dependent kin in Peru reveals that child fostering makes it possible for adults to migrate in search of better work opportunities by ensuring care for their children and company for their older relatives. For Peruvians engaging in labor migration, child fostering tempers some of the challenges of continuing to participate in established social networks from a distance.

Transnational migration transforms houses, the rituals surrounding them, and the people who live in those houses and use them to understand aspects of their social and ethnic identities. I focus on the Andean house‐roofing ritual known as the zafacasa to demonstrate the centrality of the house as a mediator for personal relationships, and the importance of such rituals for reconstituting social bonds both in spite of and because of distance. The article goes on to argue that research on consumption should be complemented by a kinship framework in order fully to represent the local meanings of expenditures.RésuméLa migration transnationale transforme les maisons, les rituels qui les entourent et les gens qui les habitent et les utilisent pour saisir certains aspects de leur identité sociale et ethnique. L'auteur s'intéresse au rituel de pose de toit andin connu sous le nom de zafacasa pour démontrer le rôle central de la maison en tant que médiateur de relations personnelles et l'importance de ces rituels pour la reconstitution de liens sociaux malgré, et à cause de, la distance. L'article avance qu'il serait utile d'ajouter aux recherches sur la consommation un cadre concernant la parenté, afin d'appréhender de façon plus complète la signification locale des dépenses.

Among rural-to-urban migrants in Peru, the concept of "improving oneself" (superar ) refers to the process of overcoming poverty through dedicated efforts at self-improvement. This individual effort is situated as a moral act, occurring within a relational web of persons who should also benefit. It is described as a family project and a moral imperative for young people, and they internalize their role in this group effort. The concept is the economic, social, and moral foundation of the kinship strategy of child circulation, a practice in which children grow up outside of their natal homes. "Improving oneself" is a reason for relocating children into the homes of better-off urban relatives, as well as the justification for placing children with less-well-off rural relatives so that a parent can pursue the same goal.

We use the transnational adoption screening process as a lens for examining the co‐production of the home and the family in Spain. We propose the term 'homework' to describe the efforts of adoption applicants to perform an appropriate home and thus receive approval to adopt. The transnational adoption screening process is a key site of state‐individual interaction for communicating a set of classed, gendered norms. Through that process, participants ratify the authority of professionals to distinguish between adequate and inadequate ways to live. As such, our analysis demonstrates how moral authority is ascribed to material objects, as we document the strong link between 'appropriate' housing and growing families as an explanatory factor for the demographic effects of economic crises.