Suchergebnisse

This article examines the race-thinking and colonial reasoning circulating in two recent developments in Canadian law with respect to polygamous marriage: the Polygamy Reference (2011) that upheld the Criminal Code provision on polygamy and the Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act (2015). This legislation introduced changes to Canada's immigration regulations, which include the practice of polygamy as a basis for refusing foreign applicants and deporting foreign nationals. I address how insights from the field of evolutionary psychology were applied in the Polygamy Reference and what discursive and material resonances they had in the Zero Tolerance Act. Drawing on the work of Sylvia Wynter, I situate these judicial and legal developments in relation to violence, within colonial formations of state power, and as forces supporting white supremacy through the continuing valorization of monogamy as a foundational aspect of social and sexual citizenship in Canada.

This article examines the race-thinking and colonial reasoning circulating in two recent developments in Canadian law with respect to polygamous marriage: the Polygamy Reference (2011) that upheld the Criminal Code provision on polygamy and the Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act (2015). This legislation introduced changes to Canada's immigration regulations, which include the practice of polygamy as a basis for refusing foreign applicants and deporting foreign nationals. I address how insights from the field of evolutionary psychology were applied in the Polygamy Reference and what discursive and material resonances they had in the Zero Tolerance Act. Drawing on the work of Sylvia Wynter, I situate these judicial and legal developments in relation to violence, within colonial formations of state power, and as forces supporting white supremacy through the continuing valorization of monogamy as a foundational aspect of social and sexual citizenship in Canada.

The article provides an overview of the extensive and fast-moving reforms ­initiated by Michael Gove as the Secretary of State for Education in the years 2010–2014. These include the rapid acceleration of the academisation programme and the development of free schools. There is a more extensive exploration of the reform of the curriculum and the reformation of examination structures. This latter review is set in the context of university advice and against the backdrop of international performance. Much of the focus of the article considers the implementation of the intentions of a minster who had been in waiting for three years before taking office. However, consideration is also given to the unexpected, yet significant, issues which intersect a politician's tenure of office. The Birmingham based 'Trojan Horse Schools' situation is considered both as an issue of accountability but also its implications for the nature of schooling, state funding and societal values.

This article examines the Egale Human Rights Trust's Just Society Report and, in particular, its call for the federal government to offer an intersectional apology to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, two-spirit, intersex people for historical injustices. I am interested in the work that suturing intersectionality to an apology for historical wrongs does. The article argues that, as it is deployed in this report, under the terms of diversity and inclusion, intersectionality is a symbolic declaration that sustains, rather than disrupts, the racial and settler colonial project that is Canada. Compatible with a politics of liberal inclusion, this call for an intersectional apology pre-empts a politics of accountability and anti-subordination long called for by the scholarship of Sherene Razack.

As part of the U.S. federal elections in Nov-ember 2008, voters in California narrowly passed Proposition 8, a ballot initiative that eliminated same-sex marriage rights in that state. Against this political-legal backdrop, the movie Milk, based on the life of gay activist Harvey Milk, was released to audiences across North America. Proposition 8 and its aftermath infused social and cultural meaning into the critical acclaim Milk publicly received, and the movie itself became a way to both galvanize and anchor support for gay (marriage) rights. I contend that there is a particular racialization of queer sexuality and proximity to whiteness that links this moment of law and culture together. The paper examines the "knitted-togetherness" of the film's racially normative representations and the racializing of homophobia that occurred on both sides of the Proposition 8 debate, one that continues the protracted fractioning of race as separate from sexuality within mainstream lesbian/gay politics. ; Dans le cadre des élections fédérales américaines de novembre 2008, les électeurs en Californie ont réussi à faire passer de jus-tesse la Proposition 8, une initiative de scrutin qui a éliminé les droits des personnes ayant effectué un mariage de même sexe dans cet état. Le film Milk, réalisé contre cet environnement politiquement légal, et basé sur la vie du militant Harvey Milk, est sorti sur les grands écrans en Amérique du Nord. Suite à la sortie Proposition 8, ont infusé un sens social et culturel dans au succès publique de Milk. Le film est lui-même devenu un moyen de galvaniser et d'ancrer du support pour le droit du mariage gai. J'affirme qu'il y a une racialisation particulière de la sexualité gaie, et une proximité à la race blanche, qui lie ce moment légal et culturel ensemble. Cet article examine l'union des représentations norma-tives racialisées du film, et la racialisation de l'homophobie qui advient des deux côtés du débat sur Proposition 8, un débat qui continue le prolongement de la fraction de la race, comme une séparation de la sexualité au sein des politiques gaies et lesbiennes.

"Citizenship has been an ill-explored subject within Conservative Party studies. When this subject has been analysed, it is usually made by scholars of citizenship, more concerned with general overviews than understanding specific Conservative approaches to the concept. This book intends to fill this gap. Through a rigorous analysis of sources, the author explores how the Conservative Party contested the welfare model of citizenship and sought to recreate a new relationship between the individual, the state and civil society. Starting from Thatcher's idea of 'active citizenship' and going through the analysis of John Major's 'Citizen's Charter' and David Cameron's 'Big Society' project, the book sheds new light on how these developments responded to long-term problems while dialoguing with specific circumstances and the different Conservative leaders' ideas. From an ideological perspective, the author analyses how these leaders echoed and re-signified more traditional political ideas and ideologies while negotiating with and borrowing new flourishing concepts during those years. Far from being a unidimensional citizenship concept, in reinterpreting old ideas and utilizing new ones, these Conservatives elaborated a complex and many times contradictory citizenship model that tried to address both long-lasting and more timely issues that overlapped in British society"--

Resumo: O objetivo deste escrito é disponibilizar uma discussão do ensaio Sobre verdade e mentira no sentido extramoral (1873) escrito pelo filósofo alemão Friedrich Nietzsche, fazendo uma breve relação final com uma obra do mesmo período O nascimento da tragédia a partir do espírito da música (1872).