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The article discusses the concept of multiple and entangled modernity that is proposed instead of universal Western-type modernity that is criticized by the modernity discourse. We argue that the concept of multiple modernity is broadened by the concept of entangled modernity. The latter explains the multiplicity of modernities and the theoretical possibility of a certain universal model of modern society through the global interaction of societies. From the point of view of entangled modernity, a certain universality of societies arises not from the structural evolution of society itself, but from the interaction of modern and pre-modern societies. The concept of entangled modernity allows one to analytically distinguish between the Soviet modernity and the Soviet period modernity, which can be used to describe the modern Lithuanian society of the Soviet period. The modern Lithuanian society of the Soviet period is the result of an interaction of the modern Lithuanian society with the Soviet project of modern society that was forcibly implemented by local social agents of the occupied society.

In Lithuania the NGO sector is currently undergoing dramatic changes, alongside the public and private sectors. Its complexity is apparent not only in its relative growth and intrinsic significance, but also in its possibilities for integration into the other sectors. This complexity produces difficulties in understanding and defining third-sector organisations. This article addresses the issue of the compatibility of the social and economic aspects of Lithuanian NGOs with sustainable development. The relation between NGOs and the market is not clearly defined; for instance, it is often said that voluntary NGOs cannot compete with the service sector in terms of incomes. Such notions make an understanding of the role and place of NGOs between public and private sectors even more remote. Qualitative research shows that the concept of the NGO is unclear not only to the public but also to government and business. If the participation of NGOs in the market is becoming problematic, it is because their origin, nature and activities are very complex. Over half of all NGO founders already knew, at the time of inception, that the social programmes or missions of the organisations they had created would involve economic activity. While NGO leaders declare that such activity is necessary for survival, a necessary supplement to the main work of their organisations, informants agree that the sale of services should never become the main impetus of NGOs, since this would risk their ability to question existing social structures, to pose solutions to pressing social problems, and to enter into partnerships with society, the market and the state. ; Šiuolaikinės Lietuvos visuomenės rinkos, valdžios ir NVO arba pilietinės visuomenės sektoriai bei jų tarpusavio sąveika nuolat patiria įvairius pokyčius. Ypač neapibrėžta ir sudėtinga yra NVO sektoriaus plėtra bei jo santykis su kitais dviem sektoriais. Įvairi ir daugialypė NVO prigimtis bei šio sektoriaus organizacinės struktūros ir fukcionavimo kaita trukdo suprasti ir vienareikšmiškai apibrėžti NVO sektorių. Juo labiau, kad ilgą laiką dominavo nuostata, kad NVO sektoriui yra svetima ekonominė veikla, kad ją gali organizuoti ir koordinuoti tik valdžios ir rinkos sektoriai. Šio straipsnio tikslas – išanalizuoti Lietuvos psichosocialines paslaugas teikiančių NVO1 (toliau – NVO) socialinio ir ekonominio matmens tarpusavio santykį darnios plėtros požiūriu. Lietuvoje NVO ir rinkos santykis iki šiol yra labai miglotas ir aiškiai neapibrėžtas, kadangi dominuoja nuomonė, kad NVO ir už įvairias prekes/paslaugos gaunamos pajamos nėra suderinami dalykai. Šis aiškios NVO sampratos nebuvimas neleidžia pačioms ne pelno siekiančioms NVO suvokti savo vietą tarp valdžios institucijų ir rinkos dalyvių. Kokybinio tyrimo rezultatai, kuriais remiamasi straipsnyje, rodo, kad NVO samprata yra neaiški ne tik patiems NVO dalyviams, bet ir valdžios institucijų bei verslo atstovams. NVO dalyvavimas rinkoje tampa problemiškas dėl NVO sampratos ir veikimo lauko kompleksiškumo. Galima teigti, kad NVO socialinio ir ekonominio matmens suderinamumas tampa tam tikru iššūkiu ir dabartinės Lietuvos gerovės valstybės raidai, nes susijęs su NVO sektoriaus išlikimo klausimu.

In Lithuania the NGO sector is currently undergoing dramatic changes, alongside the public and private sectors. Its complexity is apparent not only in its relative growth and intrinsic significance, but also in its possibilities for integration into the other sectors. This complexity produces difficulties in understanding and defining third-sector organisations. This article addresses the issue of the compatibility of the social and economic aspects of Lithuanian NGOs with sustainable development. The relation between NGOs and the market is not clearly defined; for instance, it is often said that voluntary NGOs cannot compete with the service sector in terms of incomes. Such notions make an understanding of the role and place of NGOs between public and private sectors even more remote. Qualitative research shows that the concept of the NGO is unclear not only to the public but also to government and business. If the participation of NGOs in the market is becoming problematic, it is because their origin, nature and activities are very complex. Over half of all NGO founders already knew, at the time of inception, that the social programmes or missions of the organisations they had created would involve economic activity. While NGO leaders declare that such activity is necessary for survival, a necessary supplement to the main work of their organisations, informants agree that the sale of services should never become the main impetus of NGOs, since this would risk their ability to question existing social structures, to pose solutions to pressing social problems, and to enter into partnerships with society, the market and the state.

The article focuses on the specific conception of the governmentalization of the state and its relation to the contemporary risk society. In other words, the theory of governmentality could be used to analize the construction of risk in the governing of contemporary society. In this case, the risk is used as a means of governing people or as a way of self-governing. M. Foucault presented and discussed this conception in his writings. In late modernity, with the ideal of the welfare state receding, neoliberal principles and objectives became ascendant; they prompted many to take an interest in M. Foucault's theory on the history of governmentality and emergence of neoliberalism. According to M. Foucault, the term govermentality deals with the ways people think about governing, different rationalities or mentalities of the government. All various ways of the activities employ different mentalities of the government of conduct entailed in related knowledge. The same activities can be regarded as a different form of practice depending on mentalities that invest it. The conceptions of various risks are a part of such knowledge and social actors interiorize them. The contemporary neoliberal governing or, more precisely, governmentality seeks to find adequate reciprocal communication between governors of risk and interest group. The recognition of risk conception and governing must be visible very clearly as a constructive meaning of the theory of risk governmentality.

The article focuses on the specific conception of the governmentalization of the state and its relation to the contemporary risk society. In other words, the theory of governmentality could be used to analize the construction of risk in the governing of contemporary society. In this case, the risk is used as a means of governing people or as a way of self-governing. M. Foucault presented and discussed this conception in his writings. In late modernity, with the ideal of the welfare state receding, neoliberal principles and objectives became ascendant; they prompted many to take an interest in M. Foucault's theory on the history of governmentality and emergence of neoliberalism. According to M. Foucault, the term govermentality deals with the ways people think about governing, different rationalities or mentalities of the government. All various ways of the activities employ different mentalities of the government of conduct entailed in related knowledge. The same activities can be regarded as a different form of practice depending on mentalities that invest it. The conceptions of various risks are a part of such knowledge and social actors interiorize them. The contemporary neoliberal governing or, more precisely, governmentality seeks to find adequate reciprocal communication between governors of risk and interest group. The recognition of risk conception and governing must be visible very clearly as a constructive meaning of the theory of risk governmentality.

The article focuses on the specific conception of the governmentalization of the state and its relation to the contemporary risk society. In other words, the theory of governmentality could be used to analize the construction of risk in the governing of contemporary society. In this case, the risk is used as a means of governing people or as a way of self-governing. M. Foucault presented and discussed this conception in his writings. In late modernity, with the ideal of the welfare state receding, neoliberal principles and objectives became ascendant; they prompted many to take an interest in M. Foucault's theory on the history of governmentality and emergence of neoliberalism. According to M. Foucault, the term govermentality deals with the ways people think about governing, different rationalities or mentalities of the government. All various ways of the activities employ different mentalities of the government of conduct entailed in related knowledge. The same activities can be regarded as a different form of practice depending on mentalities that invest it. The conceptions of various risks are a part of such knowledge and social actors interiorize them. The contemporary neoliberal governing or, more precisely, governmentality seeks to find adequate reciprocal communication between governors of risk and interest group. The recognition of risk conception and governing must be visible very clearly as a constructive meaning of the theory of risk governmentality.

The paper discusses the empirical data obtained from the survey on garbage in Alytus region. Scholarly literature distinguishes three types of concerns about garbage in the industrial society: 1) a concern about pollution; 2) a concern about the waste of energy and resources; and 3) a concern about the decrease of garbage (Schindler 1998). In this paper, we attempt to demonstrate that the first type of the environmental concern is characteristic of the majority of the population of Alytus, similarly as in a previous survey in Kaunas and Šiauliai in 2001. We argue that this type of concern reflects an early development of the industrial society and special environmental preoccupations in Lithuania in general. The population's concern about garbage is also related to people's behavior and attitudes. Only a small part of the population (3 %) perceives the issue of garbage as the problem of the waste of energy and resources. The data support the assumption that the population of Alytus region still has a strong need for materialistic and physical security. This need marginalizes the values of ecological concern.

The paper discusses the empirical data obtained from the survey on garbage in Alytus region. Scholarly literature distinguishes three types of concerns about garbage in the industrial society: 1) a concern about pollution; 2) a concern about the waste of energy and resources; and 3) a concern about the decrease of garbage (Schindler 1998). In this paper, we attempt to demonstrate that the first type of the environmental concern is characteristic of the majority of the population of Alytus, similarly as in a previous survey in Kaunas and Šiauliai in 2001. We argue that this type of concern reflects an early development of the industrial society and special environmental preoccupations in Lithuania in general. The population's concern about garbage is also related to people's behavior and attitudes. Only a small part of the population (3 %) perceives the issue of garbage as the problem of the waste of energy and resources. The data support the assumption that the population of Alytus region still has a strong need for materialistic and physical security. This need marginalizes the values of ecological concern.

The paper analyzes the data of survey which was carried out in Novermber-December 2001. The pattern of consumer society is applied for the analysis of the data. There are two general features of consumer society: it is whealthy and it has a set of characteristic values. The data shows that society in Lithuania has several characteristic features which differ it from typical wealthy western consumer society. At the same time it has some features which are related with wealthy society. First of all, the Lithuanian society is not the typical wealthy society. And the possibilities of population to consume are low. At the same time a part of society has values which are characteristic to the middle-class society: the need of self-expression and ecological attitudes.

The aim of the article is to discuss the relationship between the theoretical concepts and the historical experiences of a community the social sciences are a part of. The analysis is centered around the concepts of the nation and the folk and their relationship with the national self-understanding in Lithuania. The author attempts to show that the meaning of the two concepts is closely connected with the specific development of the Lithuanian state, its social stratification and cultural, social and political identity. The author suggests that the historical experience led to a distinction between the concepts of nation and folk that is widely accepted both in the everyday language and academic discourse.

The aim of the article is to discuss the relationship between the theoretical concepts and the historical experiences of a community the social sciences are a part of. The analysis is centered around the concepts of the nation and the folk and their relationship with the national self-understanding in Lithuania. The author attempts to show that the meaning of the two concepts is closely connected with the specific development of the Lithuanian state, its social stratification and cultural, social and political identity. The author suggests that the historical experience led to a distinction between the concepts of nation and folk that is widely accepted both in the everyday language and academic discourse. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama socialinių mokslų sąvokų ir bendruomenės, kurioje šie mokslai formuojasi ar yra adaptuojami, istorinio patyrimo sąveika. Konkrečiai aptariamas tautos ir liaudies sąvokų ryšys su lietuvių tautinės integracijos ir tautinės savimonės istorija. Parodoma, kad žodžių tauta ir liaudis reikšmės yra susijusios su savita Lietuvos valstybės, jos socialinių sluoksnių bei jų kultūrinės, socialinės ir politinės tapatybės raida. Ši raida (palyginus jų su artimiausiomis kaimynėmis tautomis - latviais, lenkais, estais, rusais ir t.t.) lėmė dviejų skirtingų žodžių - tautos ir liaudies - paplitimą kasdieninėje ir mokslinėje kalboje.

Mead's theory defines the individual as a rational and an active being. While at the time Freud's influence was substantial, the notion of the unconscious plays a limited role in Mead's discussion of the rational 'me' or the ego. Most often the unconscious refers to social action that is not thought of consciously. The main object of Mead's analysis is the self and its bases in the social interaction.

Straipsnyje siekiama išsiaiškinti kultūrinės antropologijos reliatyvistinės sampratos, įsigalėjusios 4 – 5 dešimtmetyje, teorines prielaidas bei kultūrologinių tyrimų ribas. Apžvelgiami kai kurie pozityvistinės sociologijos metodologinės nuostatos aspektai. Neigdamas socialiniuose moksluose mechanistinę priežastingumo sampratą, pozityvizmas kartu skelbė jo neapibrėžtumą, kurį turėjo atsverti empirinių duomenų gausumas. Kultūrologija formavosi kaip tikslingos veiklos turinio tyrimas ir buvo artima pozityvizmo empiristinei subjekto sampratai, visuomenės kaip visumos holistinei sampratai ir iš jos išsirutuliojusiam funkcionalizmui. Holistinė visuomenės samprata stimuliavo reliatyvistinę kultūros sampratą. Kultūros reliatyvumo fenomenas turi svarbią reikšmę objektyviems realios tvarkingos visumos kriterijams nustatyti, nes atspindi konkrečios tikslingos veiklos sferą, išreiškiamą lokalinės kultūros sąvoka. Nepateikdama socialinės struktūros universalaus kitimo modelio, empirinė kultūrologija (ypač reliatyvistinės jos koncepcijos) mėgina atskleisti tradicinės ir netradicinės (šiuolaikinės) visuomenės ryšį, arba kultūros istorijos sampratą kultūrinių dėsningumų individualiose realizacijose.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos R. Benedict pažiūros, jų kilmė ir įnašas į kultūros antropologiją. Plačiau aptariamas bendresnis XIX a. pabaigos – XX a. pradžios teorinis kontekstas, lėmęs kultūrinės ir socialinės antropologijos ir socialinių empirinių mokslų formavimąsi. R. Benedict pažiūros yra F. Boaso mokyklos loginė tąsa. Ją labiau domino kultūra, kaip viršasmeninis faktorius ir tai, kaip individai suvokia šią kultūrą. Pateikdama konkrečių kultūrų pavyzdžius R. Benedict parodo, kad pagrindiniai biologiniai žmogaus reiškiniai (gimimas, brendimas, dauginimasis, senatvė, mirtis) yra įvairiai ir net priešingai traktuojami skirtingose kultūrose. Jos kuriama kultūros tipologija nauja tuo, kad nusakoma per individo santykį su kultūra, per vertybinę psichologinę būseną, kurią išgyvena individas ir kuri tuo pat metu yra bendra visiems tos kultūros žmonėms, nes tai yra tam tikras institucionalizuotas vertybinis psichologinis veiklos charakteris. R. Benedict būdinga reliatyvistinė nuostata (hierarchinio kultūrų išdėstymo galimybės neigimas) yra metodinis teiginys, reikalaujantis kiekvieną kultūros elementą sieti su visu jos kontekstu.