Suchergebnisse

Ministarstvo kulture 2013. godine provodi istraživanje o stanju u medijima, a 2015. godine započinje raspravu o medijskoj politici te donosi deset dokumenata koji služe kao temelj za medijske politike u RH od 2015. do 2020. godine. Nemoguće je tvrditi da je samo ekonomska kriza uzrok krize u medijima, iako postoji sveza jer je pad broja oglasa u medijima za sobom donio i pad broja zaposlenih. Manji broj novinara u redakcijama utjecao je na pad kvalitete novinskih uradaka, a ekspanzija društvenih medija te jačanje portala na internetu, usmjerili su novinarstvo u drugom smjeru. Erozija demokratske funkcije medija termin je s kojim se danas susrećemo kada govorimo u "krizi" ili stanju u medijima. Iako je prethodno održano nekoliko tematskih prosvjeda Hrvatskoga novinarskog društva, u ožujku 2019. godine organiziran je opći prosvjed nazvan Oteli ste medije, novinarstvo ne damo. Prosvjed je imao za cilj uručiti Vladi osam zahtjeva koji se odnose na sudske tuže, pritiske politike i oglašivača, prijetnje novinarima, ugrožavanje profesionalnih standarda, nepoštivanje medijskih zakona kao te izostanak ozbiljne medijske politike. Iako rasprava o medijskoj politici završava u 2020. godine, sami novinari navode izostanak adekvatne strategije. S obzirom na završetak petogodišnjega razdoblja rasprave o medijskoj politici, u radu će se prikazati rekapitulacija protekloga razdoblja. Je li sve navedeno uzrok daljnje krize u medijima te erozije funkcije medija, autori će nastojati utvrditi u radu. Za potrebe rada provedena je anketa među novinarima dostupnim na društvenoj mreži LinkedIn. Također će se napraviti komparacija s početnim stanjem rasprave o medijskoj politici i dobivenih rezultate. Slijedom slogana prosvjeda, pokušat će se dati odgovor tko je oteo medije te kakva je ocjena novinarstva u Hrvatskoj. ; The Ministry of Culture in 2013 conducts research on the media situation, and in 2015 begins discussions on media policy and adopts ten documents that serve as the basis for media policies in the Republic of Croatia in the period 2015 to 2020. It is impossible to argue that only economic crisis is the cause of the crisis in the media, although there is a link because the decrease in the number of advertisements in the media has also led to a decrease in the number of employees. Fewer journalists in newsrooms have affected the decline in the quality of news articles, and the expansion of social media and the strengthening of online portals have directed journalism in another direction. Erosion of the democratic function of the media is a term that we come across today when we speak in a "crisis" or situation in the media. Although several thematic protests have been held by the Croatian Journalist Society, a general protest called "You kidnapped the media, we don't give journalism" was organized in March 2019. The protest was intended to deliver to the Government of eight claims relating to the largest number of lawsuits, political PR and prints and advertisers' pressures, threats against journalists, jeopardizing the professional rights and standards, failure to comply with media laws and the lack of serious media policy. Although the debate on media policy, in the framework of the start, ending in 2020. Godin e journalists themselves referred to the lack of adequate strategies. Given the end of the five-year media policy debate period, a recapitulation of the past period will be made through the paper. Is all of the above a cause of further media crisis and erosion of media function, the authors will endeavour to determine through the work. For the paper, a survey was conducted among journalists available through the LinkedIn social network. Equally, a comparison will be made with the initial state of the media policy debate and the results obtained will be compared. Following the slogan of the protest, an attempt will be made to answer who abducted the media and what is the rating of journalism in Croatia.

This paper will be focused on the influence of the media on the politics and on influence of the public relation profession in the content media percepcion. In view of the draw by daily public apperances of PM Zoran Milanović, and as says Lalić (2013:27) few politics - related phenomena have over the past twenty years engaged so many reviews by experts and scholars as the Prime Minister rethoric*s. The particular form of the political communication will be reviewed in this paper.

Prednosti komunikacije te lakšu dostupnost ciljnih javnost preko društvenih mreža prepoznale su i političke elite te su, osim tradicionalnih oblika komunikacije, političku komunikaciju obogatile društvenim medijima. Dominantna društvena mreža u Hrvatskoj je Facebook, iako nemali broj osoba iz javnoga života koristi i Twitter kao sredstvo komunikacije. Premda se raspravlja jesu li društveni mediji unaprijedili demokraciju ili je ugrozili, činjenica je da je ta platforma omogućila transparentniju i dostupniju komunikaciju koja zasigurno utječe na izgradnju imidža pojedinaca i institucija iz političke arene, kojima je takav oblik komunikacije omogućio i izgradnju vlastite virtualne zajednice. Struktura rada sastoji se od nekoliko većih cjelina i pripadajućih podcjelina. Razlike koje su uočene istraživanjem upućuju na to da su institucije, dakle ministarstva, u Sloveniji u daleko većoj mjeri prisutna u viralnome prostoru nego li je to slučaj u Hrvatskoj. Gledaju li se sami nositelji javne vlasti, ministri, oni su u Hrvatskoj, za razliku od Slovenije, prisutniji sa svojim službenim Facebook stranicama. Takvi rezultati, iako znakoviti, ne upućuju na to da se u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji komunikacija na digitalnim platformama koristi u svrhu političkoga diskursa ili u cilju informiranja ključnih aktera te posljedično kreiranja javnoga mišljenja o nekome političkom pitanju ; With the development of the Internet, as the fastest growing media, social networks have evolved, as well as everyday communication on these platforms. Benefits communication and easier access to the target public and has been recognized by the political elites and are, in addition to traditional forms of communication, political communication enriched communication on social media. The dominant social network in Croatia is Facebook, although not a small number of public life uses Twitter as a means of communication. Despite the numerous controversy over whether or not the social media have upgraded or threatened democracy, the fact is that this platform has enabled a more transparent and accessible communication that certainly has an impact on building the image of individuals and institutions from the political arena, which has made this form of communication possible to build a virtual community . The structure of the work consists of several larger entities and corresponding subdivisions. The first part of the work is based on theoretical insights. Minorizing the transition theory and democratization of post-communist societies, the theoretical part of the work also deals with civic participation and culture. All these transversal processes for three decades have also influenced the modification of communication, from top to bottom, therefore, towards citizens, from citizens to the public authorities. Therefore, political communication on social networks as well as social networks as a tool for creating a positive image in public relations will be treated theoretically. The second part of the deconstruction process is the presence of Croatian and Slovenian ministries, as a public authority institution and ministers on Facebook's social network. Compilation and descriptor methods, theoretical perspectives are dissected using relevant sources, while in the second part, the descriptive statistics method deconstructs the results obtained by research. Using the illustrations and the comparison method, the results are compared. At the end of the paper, the conclusion is based on theoretical strengths and results obtained.

U članku se analiziraju karakteristike televizijskog izvještavanja tijekom predizborne kampanje za izvanredne parlamentarne izbore 2016. godine po načelu uravnotežena izvještavanja i jednake zastupljenosti dvaju najvećih političkih rivala, HDZ-a i Narodne koalicije, u središnjim informativnim emisijama na Hrvatskoj radioteleviziji, RTL televiziji i Novoj TV. Analizirano je 75 izbornih blokova u trajanju od 64 440 sekundi. Uzorak je reprezentativan. Izborni blokovi odvojeni su grafičkim paketom. U njima je emitirano 1327 tonskih ulomaka u trajanju od 32 890 sekundi. Rezultati su pokazali neznatna odstupanja od načela jednake zastupljenosti u trajanju i broju izjava na svim trima televizijama. Sličan je rezultat i kada se promatra zastupljenost predsjednika najvećih stranaka, Andreja Plenkovića iz HDZ-a i Zorana Milanovića iz SDP-a (Narodna koalicija). ; The paper analyzes characteristics of television reporting during thepre-election campaign for the early parliamentary elections in 2016, on the principle of balanced reporting and equal representation of the two largest political rivals, the Croatian Democratic Union and the National Coalition, in the central news programs on the Croatian Television, at RTL and Nova TV. There were 75 elective blocks analyzed for 64 440 seconds. The sample is representative. Electoral blocks are separated by a graphic package. They emitted 1327 tonal fragments for 32,890 seconds. The results showed slight deviations from the principle of equal representation in duration and the number of statements at all three televisions. Similar results are also seen in the representations of the presidents of the largest parties, of Andrej Plenković from the Croatian Democratic Union and Zoran Milanovic from the Socialist Democratic Party (National Coalition).

U svim dosadašnjim radovima na temu umijeća govorništva istraživala su se verbalna i neverbalna komunikacija, stil, gestovni znakovi, držanje tijela, položaj trupa, pokreti nogu, govori u kontekstu vremena i prostora i sl., no slučaj nepoznavanja ili lošega poznavanja jezika zemlje kojoj je političar na čelu nije istraživan ni razrađen. A upravo je to slučaj s bivšim predsjednikom Vlade Republike Hrvatske Tihomirom Oreškovićem. Ovim se radom željelo ustanoviti kakav dojam ostavlja bivši premijer na javnost u kontekstu nepoznavanja hrvatskoga jezika. Također se pokušalo utvrditi koje odlike u javnome nastupu ima i kakav dojam one ostavljaju na javnost. Kako bi to utvrdili, za potrebe rada autori su proveli dubinski intervju sa stručnjacima iz područja društveno humanističkih znanosti koji su se osvrnuli na javni nastup i dojam koji bivši premijer ostavlja na javnost. Kako bismo kvantitativno argumentirali odgovore dobivene iz dubinskoga intervjua, dodatno je provedeno anketno istraživanje o dojmu koji ostavlja na ispitanike. Radi dodatne argumentacije analiziran je i sadržaj u obliku transkripata javnih nastupa premijera Oreškovića. ; All the previous works on the art of public speaking have investigated the verbal and nonverbal communication, style, gesture signs, posture, position of torso, leg movements, speaking in the context of time and space, etc. But the case of ignorance or poor knowledge of language of the country, whose head the politician is, has neither been investigated nor elaborated. And that is precisely the case with former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković. The main intention of this paper is to determine what kind of impression the former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković makes on the public in the context of lack of knowledge of the Croatian language. It also tried to find out his characteristics in public appearance and what impression they make on the public. In order to determine that, for the purpose of this paper we conducted in-depth interviews with experts in the field of social and human sciences that made a review of public appearance and impression that former Prime Minister Orešković made on general public. In order to quantitatively argue the answers obtained from in-depth interviews, we additionally conducted a survey where we examined the impression he made on respondents. For the purpose of additional argumentation the authors also analyzed the content in the form of transcripts of public appearances of former Prime Minister Orešković.

Democracy in the contemporary and modern world is inconceivable without the active and equal participation of women in all fields of social life, especially at the management level. The aim of this study was to investigate to what extent, and if at all, the transition path to modern democracy was accompanied by adequate political participation of women in management positions and the executive branch. The question is whether the proportion of women in the Croatian Government in the period 1990-2016 recorded an increase in relation to men? Since Croatia had a similar political path to declaring its independence like the neighbouring Republic of Slovenia, a comparison was made regarding the proportion of women in the Croatian Government as opposed to the neighbouring Slovenia. To further argue the data obtained from quantitative research, the share of women in the governments of Croatia and Slovenia was compared with the current average share of women in the governments of 28 EU member states. The first part describes how women in the world got the right to vote and the development of women's rights in Croatia. A total of 13 Croatian Governments were analysed with an emphasis on the proportion of women in the executive branch, as well as areas of political interest to women in government. The proportion of women in the same period in the Government of the Republic of Slovenia was also analysed, and a comparison was made with the share of women in the Croatian Government. Consequently, an attempt was made to compare the proportion of women with the average share of women in the governments of the 28 EU countries.

Democracy in the contemporary and modern world is inconceivable without the active and equal participation of women in all fields of social life, especially at the management level. The aim of this study was to investigate to what extent, and if at all, the transition path to modern democracy was accompanied by adequate political participation of women in management positions and the executive branch. The question is whether the proportion of women in the Croatian Government in the period 1990-2016 recorded an increase in relation to men? Since Croatia had a similar political path to declaring its independence like the neighbouring Republic of Slovenia, a comparison was made regarding the proportion of women in the Croatian Government as opposed to the neighbouring Slovenia. To further argue the data obtained from quantitative research, the share of women in the governments of Croatia and Slovenia was compared with the current average share of women in the governments of 28 EU member states. The first part describes how women in the world got the right to vote and the development of women's rights in Croatia. A total of 13 Croatian Governments were analysed with an emphasis on the proportion of women in the executive branch, as well as areas of political interest to women in government. The proportion of women in the same period in the Government of the Republic of Slovenia was also analysed, and a comparison was made with the share of women in the Croatian Government. Consequently, an attempt was made to compare the proportion of women with the average share of women in the governments of the 28 EU countries.