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This contribution shares Ulrich Brand's reliance on critical theories of the state and hegemony. Based on three points of criti-cism, the author argues for a better elaboration of the context of policy making. First, he proposes to consider a broader range of theoretical currents than the interpretive accounts introduced by Brand: (1) A strategic-relational interpretation of historical institutionalism will be introduced, (2) featuring the concept of "periodisation" for a systematic understanding of historically evolving structures. In addition to the introduction of a broader range of theoretical currents, (3) Brand's proposed concept of "selectivities" will be further refined and specified to be better able to grasp the workings of the "institutional condensation of the correlation of forces" in the policy cycle. The proposed conceptualisation of historical-materialist policy analysis will be exemplified by a short stylised example of research on equalityoriented policies in South Africa. (author's abstract)

This paper aims at analyzing the effects of social policies on income inequalities in South Africa since the 1990s. Based on a framework of historical institutionalism, the heritage of a distributional regime based on institutional racism is highlighted. This had lasting effects on social policies which also had both liberal and conservative characteristics. Democratisation at the beginning of the 1990s led to the abolishing of institutional racism and conservative features, while the new framework tended to be of a more liberal nature than before. The Post- Apartheid transformation is marked by many contradictions: Concerning social policies, adverse effects of the ambiti ous affirmative action programme "Black Economic Empowerment" are diagnosed, as it creates incentives for highly-skilled public sector workers to work in the better-paid private sector. Apart from the resulting skills shortages, a tendency of cash transfers to replace public social services and infrastructure provision is diagnosed. In addition to this liberal characteristic of social policies, employment policies were not very successful, despite workfare tendencies in the approach towards welfare. As a result, overall income inequalities stagnated at very high levels after Apartheid, even with the rise of a black bourgeoisie and middle class.

This paper aims at analyzing the contribution of social policies to declining rates of income inequalities in Brazil since the 1990s. Based on a framework of historical institutionalism, Brazil is characterised as a traditionally patrimonial society, marked by the institution of slavery. Important ruptures occurred during democratization in the 1980 s, when social movements successfully fought for social rights which featured prominently in the democratic constitution of 1988. During the 1990s a contradictory confluence of these achievements and neoliberal reforms led to the promotion of "inclusive liberalism". From the mid-2000s onwards policies began to shift in the direction of "evelopmental welfare" combining active state interventionism in economic and social policies with targeted cash transfers. This combination avoided the pitfalls of "inclusive liberalism"and promoted a considerable reduction of social inequalities.

This article aims at broadening the scope of global and regional social policy studies to include the 'Global South'. A strategic-relational approach, based on a combination of the ASID framework with a historical-institutionalist approach to social and distributional policies, serves as point of departure. In the final section, the theoretical reflections are exemplified by an empirical case study of Brazil's socioeconomic development and the recent evolution of conditional cash transfers (CCTs). It is argued that considering the normative project of radical reformist practice, 'best practice' prescriptions are to be critically reviewed, considering diverse discursive and institutional legacies.

Die brasilianische Wirtschaftsentwicklung der letzten Jahrzehnte verlief nicht stetig, sondern äußerst ungleichmäßig, mit mehreren tiefen Rezessionen. Verschiedene Regierungen schlugen in dem Versuch, das Wirtschaftswachstum des Landes anzukurbeln, unterschiedliche Wege ein. So wurde unter Fernando Henrique Cardoso ein neoliberaler Kurs verfolgt, indem Brasilien sich wirtschaftlich öffnete und sich in den Weltmarkt integrieren konnte. Cardosos Nachfolger Luis Inácio "Lula" da Silva und Dilma Rousseff stärkten dagegen die Rolle des Staates und legten Wert auf eine aktive Sozialpolitik, die sich an den Ärmsten orientierte. [Der Autor] erklärt in seinem Beitrag die unterschiedlichen wirtschaftspolitischen Wege und stellt zwei "Lager" vor, die die brasilianische Wirtschaftsentwicklung unterschiedlich interpretieren und bewerten. Liberale sehen intensive staatliche Eingriffe als Problem an und betrachten den in den 1990er-Jahren eingeschlagenen neoliberalen Kurs als "schmerzhaft, aber notwendig". Cepalistas sind demgegenüber Vertreter des Strukturalismus und befürworten einen aktiven Staat. Sie halten die Abhängigkeit vom Rohstoffexport für Brasiliens zentrales wirtschaftliches Problem und die Rezessionen der letzten Jahre für das "verfluchte Erbe" Cardosos. [Der Verfasser] kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass der keynesianische Kurs unter Lula und Rousseff der brasilianischen Wirtschaftsentwicklung förderlich war. Ob mit seiner Hilfe auch aktuelle und zukünftige ökonomische Probleme des Landes gelöst werden können, bleibt abzuwarten (Original übernommen).