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"Race in the Schoolyard is a wonderful book for social scientists studying race, education, and childhood studies. The book showcases the talents of a gifted fieldworker whose theoretically rich work sits on the cutting edge of a growing body of scholarship examining the social worlds of children. School officials, parents, and, most especially, a new generation of teachers will benefit from these lessons on race."-American Journal of Sociology "Instructors may recommend this book to students to whom the topic is surely vital and engrossing and for whom the text will be lively and engaging."-Contemporary Sociology "Lewis moves beyond traditional research methods used to examine achievement gaps and differences in test scores to look closely at the realities of schooling. I highly recommend this work for every person involved in teaching and learning."-Multicultural Review "Through eloquent case studies of three California elementary schools-a white-majority 'good' school, a mostly minority 'tough' school, and an integrated 'alternative' school-[Lewis] demonstrates that schools promote racial inequalities through their daily rituals and practices. Even the notion of a "color-blind" America-an especially popular ideal in the white school-perpetuates racism, Lewis argues, because it denies or dismisses the very real constraints that schools place on minorities. Lewis is nevertheless an optimist, insisting that schools can change ideas of race. . . . Highly recommended. Undergraduate collections and above."-Choice "In this pioneering ethnography in elementary schools, Lewis shows brilliantly how racism is taught and learned in the small places of everyday life."-Joe Feagin, University of Florida and author of Racist America "A wonderful and timely book. Ethnographically rich, theoretically sophisticated, and clearly written, this book addresses the ubiquitous issue of race in all its complexity."-Michèle Foster, author of Black Teachers on Teaching "A compelling ethnography of the racial landscape of contemporary schools."-Barrie Thorne, author of Gender Play: Girls and Boys in School Could your kids be learning a fourth R at school: reading, writing, 'rithmatic, and race? Race in the Schoolyard takes us to a place most of us seldom get to see in action¾ our children's classrooms¾ and reveals the lessons about race that are communicated there. Amanda E. Lewis spent a year observing classes at three elementary schools, two multiracial urban and one white sub ...

Some of the more influential research on race and education published in the last few decades comes from the work of John Ogbu and Signithia Fordham (Fordham 1988; Fordham and Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu 1978, 1987, 1991, 2003). In Ogbu's writing about the oppositional culture hypothesis, he argued that Black students frame their relationship to schooling through the lens of their historic marginalization in the United States. Out of their understanding of their systematic disenfranchisement, Ogbu suggested that "they not only generate theories [that] contradict dominant notions of status attainment and produce disillusionment about the instrumental value of school; but develop substantial distrust for school and its agents which then suppresses commitment to school norms" (Lewis et al., 2008, p. 259). Together, Fordham and Ogbu (1986) expanded on these ideas in their article on the "acting White" hypothesis suggesting that students not only disengage from school themselves, they also put pressure on their Black peers not to work hard in school lest they be accused of "acting White." Together these two interconnected theories have gained substantial notoriety and have become part of the general commonsense about why Black students are not doing better in school—"the problem," it is believed, is the academic disengagement or "oppositional culture" of African American students.

In this article I argue that despite the claims of some, all whites in racialized societies "have race." But because of the current context of race in our society, I argue that scholars of "whiteness" face several difficult theoretical and methodological challenges. First is the problem of how to avoid essentializing race when talking about whites as a social collective. That is, scholars must contend with the challenge of how to write about what is shared by those racialized as white without implying that their experiences of racialization all will be the same. Second, within the current context of color-blind racial discourse, researchers must confront the reality that some whites claim not to experience their whiteness at all. Third, studies of whiteness must not be conducted in a vacuum: racial discourse or "culture" cannot be separated from material realities. Only by attending to and by recognizing these challenges will empirical research on whiteness be able to push the boundaries of our understandings about the role of whites as racial actors and thereby also contribute to our understanding of how race works more generally.

Sociologists working in the racial formation tradition have made a clear case for under-standing race as a political and social construction and have detailed macroprocesses of production. However, we still do not understand enough about how race is reproduced through microlevel interactions. Drawing on ethnographic data from research in schools, the author examines everyday race-making—the processes through which race and racial categories are reproduced and contested in daily life. As racial identities are assigned to individuals and racial categories are mapped onto groups, these groups and individuals are simultaneously included in or excluded from a variety of social interactions and social institutions. It is through these everyday interactions that racial boundaries are formed and renegotiated.

Following an overview of the challenges confronting sociological research into whiteness, it is contended that to study whites, they must be considered a social collective in terms of Sartre's notion of seriality & that critical studies of whiteness are important for racial equity. In this light, ethnographic data from 3 public elementary schools in CA are marshaled to illustrate the variable meanings & experiences of whiteness & its persistent link to power & resource issues. At issue is the deployment of color-blind discourses that mask the persistence of institutional racism. Though varying in its form, whiteness is seen as a key facet giving shape to the culture of space & the material circumstances of those in that space. In this light, the implications for studying whiteness are contemplated in terms of whiteness' covert nature & white symbolic capital. J. Zendejas

For decades, any scholarly conversation about the academic achievement of youth of color, and especially Black youth, required at least a nod to the widely discussed topic of oppositional culture. In this review, we explore whether Black youth are burdened by a peer culture oppositional to dominant institutions and achievement norms. We begin by focusing on recent research addressing oppositional culture and find little to no support for the main propositions of this theory, even as the ideas remain popular in academic and lay circles. We then turn our attention to other recent research on Black youth's educational experiences and find evidence that these youth might be better understood as burdened by structural, institutional, and interpersonal racism that they and other minoritized students face in school. We conclude by offering suggestions for research moving forward, arguing that it is time to expand the conversation within sociology on Black youth.

A key finding from previous research on trends in Whites' racial attitudes is that much of the decline in the expression of racial prejudice over the past seven decades can be attributed to the replacement of older, less tolerant White cohorts by younger, more tolerant cohorts of Whites in the U.S. population (i.e., cohort replacement). An implicit assumption of much of this work is that cohort replacement will continue to produce unidirectional liberalizing trends in Whites' racial attitudes because of the more tolerant attitudes of each younger cohort. In this article, we reexamine the cohort replacement hypothesis focusing on young Whites' racial attitudes and whether change is in substance or form. We develop a theoretical argument about the shifting nature of young Whites' racial attitudes and understandings in the post–civil rights era by building on Forman's concept of racial apathy and the expanding literature on color-blind racism, which posits that during the post–civil rights era, subtle forms of racial prejudice have become more prevalent than overt forms. We empirically test this argument by investigating trends in, and determinants of, young Whites' racial attitudes from 1976 to 2000, using nationally representative samples of White high school seniors. Although we find a liberalizing trend for some racial attitudes, we do not find a similar pattern for contemporary forms of prejudice, particularly racial apathy. In addition, we find that the social determinants of young Whites' social distance attitudes (traditional prejudice) and expressions of racial apathy (contemporary prejudice) have been remarkably consistent over time. Collectively, these results indicate the need for greater attention to the expression of subtle forms of prejudice among young Whites generally, and to the potentially destructive force of rising levels of racial apathy specifically.

During the crisis that followed Hurricane Katrina, many Americans expressed surprise at the dramatic levels of racial inequality captured in the images of large numbers of poor Black people left behind in devastated New Orleans. In this article we argue that, to better understand both the parameters of contemporary racial inequality reflected in the hurricane's aftermath and why so many were surprised about the social realities of racial inequality that social scientists have known about for decades, it is essential to recognize the shifting nature of Whites' racial attitudes and understandings. There is widespread evidence that in the post-civil rights era the expression of White racial prejudice has changed. In fact, during the post-civil rights era subtle and indirect forms of prejudice have become more central to the sustenance and perpetuation of racial inequality than are overt forms of prejudice. We draw on both survey and qualitative data to investigate current manifestations of White racial attitudes and prejudices. Our results indicate that racial apathy, indifference towards racial and ethnic inequality, is a relatively new but expanding form of racial prejudice. We further show that Whites' systematic "not knowing" about racial inequality (White ignorance), which was manifest in the reaction to the crises after Hurricane Katrina, is related to this racial indifference. Racial apathy and White ignorance (i.e., not caring and not knowing) are extensions of hegemonic color-blind discourses (i.e., not seeing race). These phenomena serve as pillars of contemporary racial inequality that have until now received little attention. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical and the practical implications of our results for understanding racial dynamics in the post-Katrina United States.

In this paper, we discuss the fundamental whiteness of educational spaces and detail the historical and contemporary mechanisms through which these spaces are created and perpetuate. We draw on Charles Tilly's concept of opportunity hoarding to detail how white racial actors and white-dominated institutions create and defend "white" spaces within education. We expand current educational scholarship in this area by theorizing connections between opportunity hoarding and sociological work on racial boundaries, institutional theory, and organizational routines and point the way toward more nuanced examinations of opportunity hoarding in education.