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ABSTRACTInspired by Bourdieu's field theory and utilising the case of Zambia, this article aims to enhance the understanding of the intricate relationship between Chinese private investors and sub-Saharan state institutions. The study proposes an epistemological framework that integrates sociological, anthropological and neo-institutional approaches to development studies. Through extensive fieldwork and over 75 interviews with both Chinese and Zambian stakeholders, we explore various contexts in which group-actors related to foreign capital in Zambia operate. We argue that three separate habiti – inhabited by the Zambian political class, Chinese investors and 'ordinary' Zambians – are crucial for comprehending private foreign capital operations in this sub-Saharan state. The ordinary Zambians and Zambian political class fields converge primarily during elections, while interactions between ordinary Zambians and Chinese investors have remained very limited (predominantly employee–employer relations), creating an ideational structure of hostility. In contrast, the Zambian political class and Chinese private investor fields crosscut and are mutually constitutive.

Abstract
As Zambia's chief administrative centre and a major financial, transportation, and manufacturing hub for the country, the City of Lusaka has become one of the fasted growing cities in Southern Africa. Encouraged by the Chinese government's 'going out' policy, Chinese investment and trade with Zambia have risen dramatically since the 2000s. Chinese investment is increasingly shaping the growth of Lusaka City and its hinterland in significant ways. On the other hand, South Africa as a regional geo-economic power has also amplified its strategic engagement with Lusaka. The paper explores how these two geo-economic powers have shaped the development of the City of Lusaka. Findings show that investments from South Africa into the City are private capital backed and are predominantly in the retail and real estate sectors. Chinese engagement in the city are dominated by large government-related construction projects, which have often been state-backed. Analysing the findings through the lens of urban assemblage and polarisation, the paper argues that the City is increasingly becoming more socio-spatially divided with the poor being more adversely affected by the nature and location of investments.

This article examines the social and political roles of contemporary Chinese associations in Africa with case studies from Zambia. These associations help Chinese migrants better integrate and promote China's image in Zambian society. More importantly, they proactively engage in bilateral political relations, working with the embassy and state apparatus, defending China's overseas interests, and providing public goods to the Chinese community. We argue that, because of the associations, Chinese migrants in Zambia are politicised beyond the fact of their living in economic enclaves. Contemporary Chinese associations should thus be recognised as a significant actor and an indispensable intermediary in the rapid evolution of China–Africa relations. (JCCA/GIGA)

This article examines the social and political roles of contemporary Chinese associations in Africa with case studies from Zambia. These associations help Chinese migrants better integrate and promote China's image in Zambian society. More importantly, they proactively engage in bilateral political relations, working with the embassy and state apparatus, defending China's overseas interests, and providing public goods to the Chinese community. We argue that, because of the associations, Chinese migrants in Zambia are politicised beyond the fact of their living in economic enclaves. Contemporary Chinese associations should thus be recognised as a significant actor and an indispensable intermediary in the rapid evolution of China–Africa relations.