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Entrepreneurship education has become a critical subject in academic research and educational policy design, occupying a central role in contemporary education globally. However, a review of the literature indicates that research on entrepreneurship education is still in a relatively early stage. Little is known about how entrepreneurship education learning is affected by the environmental context to date. Therefore, combining the institutional context and focusing on students' learning expectations as a novel perspective, the main aim of the thesis is to address the knowledge gap by developing an original conceptual framework to advance understanding of the dynamic learning process of entrepreneurship education through the lens of self-determination theory, thereby providing a basis for advancing understanding of entrepreneurship education. The author adopted an epistemological positivism philosophy and a deductive approach. This study gathered 247 valid questionnaires from the UK (84) and China (163). It requested students to recall their learning expectations before attending their entrepreneurship courses and to assess their perceptions of learning outcomes after taking the entrepreneurship courses. It was found that entrepreneurship education policy is an antecedent that influences students' learning expectations, which is represented in the difference in student autonomy. British students in active learning under a voluntary education policy have higher autonomy than Chinese students in passive learning under a compulsory education policy, thus having higher learning expectations, leading to higher satisfaction. The positive relationship between autonomy and learning expectations is established, which adds a new dimension to self-determination theory. Furthermore, it is also revealed that the change in students' entrepreneurial intentions before and after their entrepreneurship courses is explained by understanding the process of a business start-up (positive), hands-on business start-up opportunities (positive), students' actual input (positive) and tutors' academic qualification (negative). The thesis makes contributions to both theory and practice. The findings have far reaching implications for different parties, including policymakers, educators, practitioners and researchers. Understanding and shaping students' learning expectations is a critical first step in optimising entrepreneurship education teaching and learning. On the one hand, understanding students' learning expectations of entrepreneurship and entrepreneurship education can help the government with educational interventions and policy reform, as well as improving the quality and delivery of university-based entrepreneurship education. On the other hand, entrepreneurship education can assist students in establishing correct and realistic learning expectations and entrepreneurial conceptions, which will benefit their future entrepreneurial activities and/or employment. An important implication is that this study connects multiple stakeholders by bridging the national-level institutional context, organisational-level university entrepreneurship education, and individual level entrepreneurial learning to promote student autonomy based on an understanding of students' learning expectations. This can help develop graduates with their ability for autonomous learning and autonomous entrepreneurial behaviour. The results of this study help to remind students that it is them, the learners, their expectations and input that can make the difference between the success or failure of their study. This would not only apply to entrepreneurship education but also to other fields of study. One key message from this study is that education can be encouraged and supported but cannot be "forced". Mandatory entrepreneurship education is not a quick fix for the lack of university students' innovation and entrepreneurship. More resources must be invested in enhancing the enterprise culture, thus making entrepreneurship education desirable for students.

Our main intention is to present the philosophical background of Raymond Aron's political point of view by way of his theory on historical philosophy. For us, behind his proclamation of a reasonable politics, exists an epistemological support, known as determinism of probability as far as the historical truth is concerned. And this determinism is only possible when it is based on a critique of the speculative philosophy of history. In the book named introduction to a philosophy of history, Aron tries to surpass the antinomy of historical becoming, between total unity of the hegelian-marxiste model and the irreducible plurality of the Oswald Spengler model, and meanwhile without falling into an absolute relativism. More precisely, the historical philosophy of Raymond Aron is dedicated to a two-dimensional constitution. On the epistemological level, he tries to reinterpret the relation between explication and comprehension, by way of circle between these two methods, and aim to, in the end, establish the limit of historical objectivity by introducing a certain determinism of probability; on the ontological level, in order to avoid the relativist conclusion, he keeps the Kantian notion of truth, but in a less teleological and more regulative sense. Correlatively, in the domain of politics, he declines all kind of Messianism who claims to possess in advance the historical truth, because for him, it is only via instant choice and decision based on the liberty that can man creates his history. His liberalism essentially political is different from the neoliberalism, and maintains a conservative attitude towards the tradition. Generally speaking, our research consists of presenting how this determinism of probability is possible, and how Aron applies this philosophical point of view to the political practice, and according to him, what should an intellectual do facing the politics. And we will also discuss his critiques to the idealism of the french intellectual, in order to analyze the debate among the chinese intellectual. ; Notre idée principale est d'essayer de comprendre la pensée politique de Raymond Aron à partir de sa théorie sur l'histoire. Pour nous, derrière sa proclamation d'une politique raisonnable ou progressive existe un support épistémologique, à savoir la proposition d'un déterminisme de probabilité concernant la vérité historique, proposition qui ne peut se constituer que dans le cadre d'une critique de la philosophie spéculative de l'histoire. Dans l'Introduction à la philosophie de l'histoire, Aron tente de surmonter l'antinomie du devenir humain entre unité totale du modèle hégélien-marxiste et pluralité irréductible du modèle d'Oswald Spengler, mais sans tomber dans le piège du relativisme absolu. Plus précisément, sa propre critique de la philosophie de l'histoire se constitue à double niveau : au niveau méthodologique, il essaye de réinterpréter la relation entre la compréhension et l'explication pour établir l'objectivité historique. Et au niveau ontologique, pour éviter une conclusion relativiste, il réintroduit l'idée d'une société humanisée au sens kantien, mais d'une manière moins téléologique et plus régulatrice. Dans le domaine politique, corrélativement, il rejette tout type de messianisme garanti d'avance, car, à ses yeux, ce n'est que par choix et décision instantanée que l'homme fait son histoire, tout en gardant l'espoir de la liberté. Et son libéralisme se différencie du libéralisme purement économique et apparaît à la fois conservateur vis-à-vis de la tradition et essentiellement politique. Notre recherche consistera à montrer comment s'est élaboré, en surmontant les philosophies dogmatiques de l'histoire, ce déterminisme de probabilité ; comment il a su appliquer cette conviction historique à son analyse de la société, notamment en tant que libérale et quel rôle doit jouer, selon lui, un intellectuel face à la politique ; nous reprendrons ensuite sa critique vis-à-vis des intellectuels français, pour l'appliquer au débat entre les intellectuels chinois. ; 本文旨在从雷蒙•阿隆的历史观入手来了解其政治观点形成的背景。我们认为,他在政治上主张的一种"合理的政治观"始终是基于他的历史哲学观,即"或然决定论"展开的,而后者,在其博士论文《历史哲学批判导论》一书中得到了很好的阐明。从破除历史理性的二律背反开始,即黑格尔-马克思传统的作为统一体的历史观和以斯宾格勒为代表的不可还原的多样性的历史观,阿隆构建起一种既超越实证主义,又不陷入相对主义(通过引入康德意义上的"真理"概念)的或然决定论。具体言之,他的历史哲学批判基于一种双层面的建构,一方面,在认识论层面,他试图重新阐释说明和理解的关系来维护历史的客观性;在形而上学层面,为了避免相对主义的结论,他引入了康德意义上的"人道主义社会"的概念,并将其视为一种更少目的性而更多调节性的概念。就政治领域而言,与此相对应的,他拒斥任何先定的救世福音说,并且坚信人类的历史只能由每个自由的个体的当下的选择和决定中被创造。他所主张的自由主义,不同于经济自由主义,一方面对传统秉持保守的态度,另一方面,本质上又是一种政治的自由主义。我们的研究将从阿隆对传统的教条的历史哲学的批判起步,揭示其"或然决定论"的观点的形成过程;及其历史观如何影响其政治观的过程,尤其反映于他作为一名知识分子,对历史的态度问题;我们也将讨论他对法国知识分子弊病的批判,并且将这一批判引入对中国知识分子的讨论当中。

Our main intention is to present the philosophical background of Raymond Aron's political point of view by way of his theory on historical philosophy. For us, behind his proclamation of a reasonable politics, exists an epistemological support, known as determinism of probability as far as the historical truth is concerned. And this determinism is only possible when it is based on a critique of the speculative philosophy of history. In the book named introduction to a philosophy of history, Aron tries to surpass the antinomy of historical becoming, between total unity of the hegelian-marxiste model and the irreducible plurality of the Oswald Spengler model, and meanwhile without falling into an absolute relativism. More precisely, the historical philosophy of Raymond Aron is dedicated to a two-dimensional constitution. On the epistemological level, he tries to reinterpret the relation between explication and comprehension, by way of circle between these two methods, and aim to, in the end, establish the limit of historical objectivity by introducing a certain determinism of probability; on the ontological level, in order to avoid the relativist conclusion, he keeps the Kantian notion of truth, but in a less teleological and more regulative sense. Correlatively, in the domain of politics, he declines all kind of Messianism who claims to possess in advance the historical truth, because for him, it is only via instant choice and decision based on the liberty that can man creates his history. His liberalism essentially political is different from the neoliberalism, and maintains a conservative attitude towards the tradition. Generally speaking, our research consists of presenting how this determinism of probability is possible, and how Aron applies this philosophical point of view to the political practice, and according to him, what should an intellectual do facing the politics. And we will also discuss his critiques to the idealism of the french intellectual, in order to analyze the debate among the chinese intellectual. ; Notre idée principale est d'essayer de comprendre la pensée politique de Raymond Aron à partir de sa théorie sur l'histoire. Pour nous, derrière sa proclamation d'une politique raisonnable ou progressive existe un support épistémologique, à savoir la proposition d'un déterminisme de probabilité concernant la vérité historique, proposition qui ne peut se constituer que dans le cadre d'une critique de la philosophie spéculative de l'histoire. Dans l'Introduction à la philosophie de l'histoire, Aron tente de surmonter l'antinomie du devenir humain entre unité totale du modèle hégélien-marxiste et pluralité irréductible du modèle d'Oswald Spengler, mais sans tomber dans le piège du relativisme absolu. Plus précisément, sa propre critique de la philosophie de l'histoire se constitue à double niveau : au niveau méthodologique, il essaye de réinterpréter la relation entre la compréhension et l'explication pour établir l'objectivité historique. Et au niveau ontologique, pour éviter une conclusion relativiste, il réintroduit l'idée d'une société humanisée au sens kantien, mais d'une manière moins téléologique et plus régulatrice. Dans le domaine politique, corrélativement, il rejette tout type de messianisme garanti d'avance, car, à ses yeux, ce n'est que par choix et décision instantanée que l'homme fait son histoire, tout en gardant l'espoir de la liberté. Et son libéralisme se différencie du libéralisme purement économique et apparaît à la fois conservateur vis-à-vis de la tradition et essentiellement politique. Notre recherche consistera à montrer comment s'est élaboré, en surmontant les philosophies dogmatiques de l'histoire, ce déterminisme de probabilité ; comment il a su appliquer cette conviction historique à son analyse de la société, notamment en tant que libérale et quel rôle doit jouer, selon lui, un intellectuel face à la politique ; nous reprendrons ensuite sa critique vis-à-vis des intellectuels français, pour l'appliquer au débat entre les intellectuels chinois. ; 本文旨在从雷蒙•阿隆的历史观入手来了解其政治观点形成的背景。我们认为,他在政治上主张的一种"合理的政治观"始终是基于他的历史哲学观,即"或然决定论"展开的,而后者,在其博士论文《历史哲学批判导论》一书中得到了很好的阐明。从破除历史理性的二律背反开始,即黑格尔-马克思传统的作为统一体的历史观和以斯宾格勒为代表的不可还原的多样性的历史观,阿隆构建起一种既超越实证主义,又不陷入相对主义(通过引入康德意义上的"真理"概念)的或然决定论。具体言之,他的历史哲学批判基于一种双层面的建构,一方面,在认识论层面,他试图重新阐释说明和理解的关系来维护历史的客观性;在形而上学层面,为了避免相对主义的结论,他引入了康德意义上的"人道主义社会"的概念,并将其视为一种更少目的性而更多调节性的概念。就政治领域而言,与此相对应的,他拒斥任何先定的救世福音说,并且坚信人类的历史只能由每个自由的个体的当下的选择和决定中被创造。他所主张的自由主义,不同于经济自由主义,一方面对传统秉持保守的态度,另一方面,本质上又是一种政治的自由主义。我们的研究将从阿隆对传统的教条的历史哲学的批判起步,揭示其"或然决定论"的观点的形成过程;及其历史观如何影响其政治观的过程,尤其反映于他作为一名知识分子,对历史的态度问题;我们也将讨论他对法国知识分子弊病的批判,并且将这一批判引入对中国知识分子的讨论当中。

Our main intention is to present the philosophical background of Raymond Aron's political point of view by way of his theory on historical philosophy. For us, behind his proclamation of a reasonable politics, exists an epistemological support, known as determinism of probability as far as the historical truth is concerned. And this determinism is only possible when it is based on a critique of the speculative philosophy of history. In the book named introduction to a philosophy of history, Aron tries to surpass the antinomy of historical becoming, between total unity of the hegelian-marxiste model and the irreducible plurality of the Oswald Spengler model, and meanwhile without falling into an absolute relativism. More precisely, the historical philosophy of Raymond Aron is dedicated to a two-dimensional constitution. On the epistemological level, he tries to reinterpret the relation between explication and comprehension, by way of circle between these two methods, and aim to, in the end, establish the limit of historical objectivity by introducing a certain determinism of probability; on the ontological level, in order to avoid the relativist conclusion, he keeps the Kantian notion of truth, but in a less teleological and more regulative sense. Correlatively, in the domain of politics, he declines all kind of Messianism who claims to possess in advance the historical truth, because for him, it is only via instant choice and decision based on the liberty that can man creates his history. His liberalism essentially political is different from the neoliberalism, and maintains a conservative attitude towards the tradition. Generally speaking, our research consists of presenting how this determinism of probability is possible, and how Aron applies this philosophical point of view to the political practice, and according to him, what should an intellectual do facing the politics. And we will also discuss his critiques to the idealism of the french intellectual, in order to analyze the debate among the chinese ...

Since the first group of immigrants from China arrival to Portugal, from 1950s on, more Chinese people came to work and live in this south European country. Under an in general flexible migration policy, Portugal becomes one of the springboards for immigrants entering EU. Migration is always a reflection of policy and economics, while concurrently affects the local society. Portugal has a long history of both emigration and immigration. Since immigrants are taking an important role in the hosting society, it is vital to pay attention to their living conditions. Second generation of immigrants is a group that grows up with the local's. They are both contributors of supporting and creating future. In fact, this group in general is more vulnerable, with high risks and less care while growing up. My research chose the Chinese second generation of immigrants from 15 to 24 years old. Through Socialization and Social Integration theories, I am trying to find out their integration situations from three perspectives of family, school and community. The conclusions prove second generations of Chinese immigrants are mostly family-oriented, have a high drop-out rate and a high cognition of Chinese culture. Culture Identity highly manipulates the second generations' practice in the three fields. Educational level limits their social development. The important findings are: Positive correlation between the social integration level of second generations' and their parents'. The integration ability strongly represents their Family Social Capital competence. Besides, the local Chinese organizations play as the platform for second generations' social participation and personal realization. ; Desde o aparecimento do primeiro grupo de imigrantes provenientes da China, durante os anos cinquenta do século passado, mais chineses vieram viver e trabalhar neste país do Sul da Europa. Num processo correspondente a uma política de migração relativamente mais flexível, o país de chegada tornou-se uma das portas de ingresso na Europa para estas pessoas. A migração é sempre um reflexo da política do país, afectando simultaneamente a sociedade local. Portugal tem uma longa história de emigração e imigração. Posto que os imigrantes estão a desempenhar um papel mais importante na sociedade de acolhimento, é vital prestar atenção às suas condições de vida. A segunda geração de imigrantes é o grupo que cresce juntamente com o grupo local. Os seus membros são uma parte das futuras forças criativas e de suporte da sociedade. De facto, este grupo é mais vulnerável, correndo riscos maiores e dispondo de menos cuidados durante o seu crescimento. Esta pesquisa escolheu a segunda geração de imigrantes Chineses entre os 15 e os 24 anos de idade. Recorrendo às teorias da socialização e da integração social, procvrei descobrir os seus níveis de integração sob perspectivas familiares, escolares, laborais, de organização social e de identidade cultural. Os resultados permitem concluir que os imigrantes chineses da segunda geração são predominantemente guiados pelos valores familiares, apresentam uma elevada taxa de desistência escolar e um conhecimento mais elevado da cultura chinesa. O seu nível educacional limita o seu desenvolvimento social. Duas importantes constatações são a correlação positiva entre o nível de integração social dos imigrantes chineses de segunda geração e aquele dos seus pais. A sua capacidade de integração representa a importancia do respectivo capital social familiar. Adiciónalmente, as organizaçãoes locais chinesas agem como plataformas de participação social e realização pessoal para as segundas gerações.

Our main intention is to present the philosophical background of Raymond Aron's political point of view by way of his theory on historical philosophy. For us, behind his proclamation of a reasonable politics, exists an epistemological support, known as determinism of probability as far as the historical truth is concerned. And this determinism is only possible when it is based on a critique of the speculative philosophy of history. In the book named introduction to a philosophy of history, Aron tries to surpass the antinomy of historical becoming, between total unity of the hegelian-marxiste model and the irreducible plurality of the Oswald Spengler model, and meanwhile without falling into an absolute relativism. More precisely, the historical philosophy of Raymond Aron is dedicated to a two-dimensional constitution. On the epistemological level, he tries to reinterpret the relation between explication and comprehension, by way of circle between these two methods, and aim to, in the end, establish the limit of historical objectivity by introducing a certain determinism of probability; on the ontological level, in order to avoid the relativist conclusion, he keeps the Kantian notion of truth, but in a less teleological and more regulative sense. Correlatively, in the domain of politics, he declines all kind of Messianism who claims to possess in advance the historical truth, because for him, it is only via instant choice and decision based on the liberty that can man creates his history. His liberalism essentially political is different from the neoliberalism, and maintains a conservative attitude towards the tradition. Generally speaking, our research consists of presenting how this determinism of probability is possible, and how Aron applies this philosophical point of view to the political practice, and according to him, what should an intellectual do facing the politics. And we will also discuss his critiques to the idealism of the french intellectual, in order to analyze the debate among the chinese intellectual. ; Notre idée principale est d'essayer de comprendre la pensée politique de Raymond Aron à partir de sa théorie sur l'histoire. Pour nous, derrière sa proclamation d'une politique raisonnable ou progressive existe un support épistémologique, à savoir la proposition d'un déterminisme de probabilité concernant la vérité historique, proposition qui ne peut se constituer que dans le cadre d'une critique de la philosophie spéculative de l'histoire. Dans l'Introduction à la philosophie de l'histoire, Aron tente de surmonter l'antinomie du devenir humain entre unité totale du modèle hégélien-marxiste et pluralité irréductible du modèle d'Oswald Spengler, mais sans tomber dans le piège du relativisme absolu. Plus précisément, sa propre critique de la philosophie de l'histoire se constitue à double niveau : au niveau méthodologique, il essaye de réinterpréter la relation entre la compréhension et l'explication pour établir l'objectivité historique. Et au niveau ontologique, pour éviter une conclusion relativiste, il réintroduit l'idée d'une société humanisée au sens kantien, mais d'une manière moins téléologique et plus régulatrice. Dans le domaine politique, corrélativement, il rejette tout type de messianisme garanti d'avance, car, à ses yeux, ce n'est que par choix et décision instantanée que l'homme fait son histoire, tout en gardant l'espoir de la liberté. Et son libéralisme se différencie du libéralisme purement économique et apparaît à la fois conservateur vis-à-vis de la tradition et essentiellement politique. Notre recherche consistera à montrer comment s'est élaboré, en surmontant les philosophies dogmatiques de l'histoire, ce déterminisme de probabilité ; comment il a su appliquer cette conviction historique à son analyse de la société, notamment en tant que libérale et quel rôle doit jouer, selon lui, un intellectuel face à la politique ; nous reprendrons ensuite sa critique vis-à-vis des intellectuels français, pour l'appliquer au débat entre les intellectuels chinois. ; 本文旨在从雷蒙•阿隆的历史观入手来了解其政治观点形成的背景。我们认为,他在政治上主张的一种"合理的政治观"始终是基于他的历史哲学观,即"或然决定论"展开的,而后者,在其博士论文《历史哲学批判导论》一书中得到了很好的阐明。从破除历史理性的二律背反开始,即黑格尔-马克思传统的作为统一体的历史观和以斯宾格勒为代表的不可还原的多样性的历史观,阿隆构建起一种既超越实证主义,又不陷入相对主义(通过引入康德意义上的"真理"概念)的或然决定论。具体言之,他的历史哲学批判基于一种双层面的建构,一方面,在认识论层面,他试图重新阐释说明和理解的关系来维护历史的客观性;在形而上学层面,为了避免相对主义的结论,他引入了康德意义上的"人道主义社会"的概念,并将其视为一种更少目的性而更多调节性的概念。就政治领域而言,与此相对应的,他拒斥任何先定的救世福音说,并且坚信人类的历史只能由每个自由的个体的当下的选择和决定中被创造。他所主张的自由主义,不同于经济自由主义,一方面对传统秉持保守的态度,另一方面,本质上又是一种政治的自由主义。我们的研究将从阿隆对传统的教条的历史哲学的批判起步,揭示其"或然决定论"的观点的形成过程;及其历史观如何影响其政治观的过程,尤其反映于他作为一名知识分子,对历史的态度问题;我们也将讨论他对法国知识分子弊病的批判,并且将这一批判引入对中国知识分子的讨论当中。

Our main intention is to present the philosophical background of Raymond Aron's political point of view by way of his theory on historical philosophy. For us, behind his proclamation of a reasonable politics, exists an epistemological support, known as determinism of probability as far as the historical truth is concerned. And this determinism is only possible when it is based on a critique of the speculative philosophy of history. In the book named introduction to a philosophy of history, Aron tries to surpass the antinomy of historical becoming, between total unity of the hegelian-marxiste model and the irreducible plurality of the Oswald Spengler model, and meanwhile without falling into an absolute relativism. More precisely, the historical philosophy of Raymond Aron is dedicated to a two-dimensional constitution. On the epistemological level, he tries to reinterpret the relation between explication and comprehension, by way of circle between these two methods, and aim to, in the end, establish the limit of historical objectivity by introducing a certain determinism of probability; on the ontological level, in order to avoid the relativist conclusion, he keeps the Kantian notion of truth, but in a less teleological and more regulative sense. Correlatively, in the domain of politics, he declines all kind of Messianism who claims to possess in advance the historical truth, because for him, it is only via instant choice and decision based on the liberty that can man creates his history. His liberalism essentially political is different from the neoliberalism, and maintains a conservative attitude towards the tradition. Generally speaking, our research consists of presenting how this determinism of probability is possible, and how Aron applies this philosophical point of view to the political practice, and according to him, what should an intellectual do facing the politics. And we will also discuss his critiques to the idealism of the french intellectual, in order to analyze the debate among the chinese intellectual. ; Notre idée principale est d'essayer de comprendre la pensée politique de Raymond Aron à partir de sa théorie sur l'histoire. Pour nous, derrière sa proclamation d'une politique raisonnable ou progressive existe un support épistémologique, à savoir la proposition d'un déterminisme de probabilité concernant la vérité historique, proposition qui ne peut se constituer que dans le cadre d'une critique de la philosophie spéculative de l'histoire. Dans l'Introduction à la philosophie de l'histoire, Aron tente de surmonter l'antinomie du devenir humain entre unité totale du modèle hégélien-marxiste et pluralité irréductible du modèle d'Oswald Spengler, mais sans tomber dans le piège du relativisme absolu. Plus précisément, sa propre critique de la philosophie de l'histoire se constitue à double niveau : au niveau méthodologique, il essaye de réinterpréter la relation entre la compréhension et l'explication pour établir l'objectivité historique. Et au niveau ontologique, pour éviter une conclusion relativiste, il réintroduit l'idée d'une société humanisée au sens kantien, mais d'une manière moins téléologique et plus régulatrice. Dans le domaine politique, corrélativement, il rejette tout type de messianisme garanti d'avance, car, à ses yeux, ce n'est que par choix et décision instantanée que l'homme fait son histoire, tout en gardant l'espoir de la liberté. Et son libéralisme se différencie du libéralisme purement économique et apparaît à la fois conservateur vis-à-vis de la tradition et essentiellement politique. Notre recherche consistera à montrer comment s'est élaboré, en surmontant les philosophies dogmatiques de l'histoire, ce déterminisme de probabilité ; comment il a su appliquer cette conviction historique à son analyse de la société, notamment en tant que libérale et quel rôle doit jouer, selon lui, un intellectuel face à la politique ; nous reprendrons ensuite sa critique vis-à-vis des intellectuels français, pour l'appliquer au débat entre les intellectuels chinois. ; 本文旨在从雷蒙•阿隆的历史观入手来了解其政治观点形成的背景。我们认为,他在政治上主张的一种"合理的政治观"始终是基于他的历史哲学观,即"或然决定论"展开的,而后者,在其博士论文《历史哲学批判导论》一书中得到了很好的阐明。从破除历史理性的二律背反开始,即黑格尔-马克思传统的作为统一体的历史观和以斯宾格勒为代表的不可还原的多样性的历史观,阿隆构建起一种既超越实证主义,又不陷入相对主义(通过引入康德意义上的"真理"概念)的或然决定论。具体言之,他的历史哲学批判基于一种双层面的建构,一方面,在认识论层面,他试图重新阐释说明和理解的关系来维护历史的客观性;在形而上学层面,为了避免相对主义的结论,他引入了康德意义上的"人道主义社会"的概念,并将其视为一种更少目的性而更多调节性的概念。就政治领域而言,与此相对应的,他拒斥任何先定的救世福音说,并且坚信人类的历史只能由每个自由的个体的当下的选择和决定中被创造。他所主张的自由主义,不同于经济自由主义,一方面对传统秉持保守的态度,另一方面,本质上又是一种政治的自由主义。我们的研究将从阿隆对传统的教条的历史哲学的批判起步,揭示其"或然决定论"的观点的形成过程;及其历史观如何影响其政治观的过程,尤其反映于他作为一名知识分子,对历史的态度问题;我们也将讨论他对法国知识分子弊病的批判,并且将这一批判引入对中国知识分子的讨论当中。

AbstractSince the early 1980s, China's rapid economic growth and profound social transformation have greatly changed the role of popular religion in modern Chinese politics. In the case ofnuo, these changes have been directly responsible for the incorporation of this popular religion into the implementation of Party-state's policy on ethnic minority and the provision of evidence to support the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party's regime. Through manipulation and reinterpretation by local governments, the popular religion ofnuohas not only become the target of local socio-economic development, a common phenomenon in contemporary China, but has also played a key role in ethnic identification, which is an important step for a post-Mao's CCP to maintain political stability in ethnic minority areas. In addition,nuohas through the research of Marxism-influenced schools fundamentally altered its position from an officially unrecognized religion opposed to both socialist political order and atheist ideology to a politically favoured 'living fossil'1of primitive culture. This proves the Marxist evolutionary theory in which socialism and communism are thought to be inescapable consequences of social development. The positive role played bynuoin modern Chinese politics has brought the popular religion much open support and endorsement from party-state officials at all levels, including top-ranking officials within the Central Committee of the CCP. Like any popular religion,nuohas over the centuries undergone significant changes, but never before has it experienced such dramatic changes in its relationship with an anti-religious and pragmatic central government, something which has significantly altered the course of its development.

Architecture can do many things and solve many problems of the local condition. For example, skyscrapers meet high demands of housing and offices; sustainable green buildings are environmentally responsible and resource-efficient. When it comes to bigger topics like dealing with social and cultural conflicts which influenced by national and political decisions, the usual architecture types may not resolve or help as much as expected. So, for dealing with these topics, we find that architecture has limitations. However, when we look through other fields like art, we can find an opportunities to address them. For example, Ben Shahn was American artist, He is best known for his works of social realism. His works are often critical of American life, but by exposing social problems. One of his works, "The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti" (1967, mosaics) is established on the wall of H.B Crouse Hall in Syracuse University. His works were generated based on the real story that Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were framed by murdering in Massachusetts and executed in 1927. But even there was no enough evidences and government still insisted to arrest them because they were anarchist and Italian immigrants and placed them on the federal government's watch list of dangerous subversives. This sensational case captured the attention of people around the world, many of them protested against the convictions. The author translated the whole processes of arrest, trial and execution into ironic and sarcastic way to express on the paintings. He encourages people to understand the reality of the condition. Though architecture cannot solve large social and national conflicts, but it can review and expose the realities to public using symbolic forms and use theoretical approaches to draw people's attention for realizing the significant of some conflicts and realities. We choose the DMZ as out site because it is one of the most dangerous and high-militarised borders between two neighboring counties, North Korea and South Korea. They had been one county around 100 years ago, while they have many conflicts and differences now. There are many stories and secret beyond the DMZ and the two Koreas. We would like to use architecture as a media to make people realize and understand what kinds of conflicts they have by exposing them theoretically through architecture. Bridge is the name of our thesis. Our "Bridge" does not focus on deconstruction or emphasizing the DMZ, rather it frames the conflicts between the DMZ and two Koreas. There are three bridges for addressing three realities; first is lack of freedom to cross border between the North Korea and South Korea, second is that different social structure systems control and affect the two Koreas differently and last one is a large group of divided families will pass away without seeing their relatives once.