Suchergebnisse

1. Introduction: Analytical Puzzle, Literature Review, Central Arguments, And Methodological Considerations -- 2. Evolving Functions Of The Party And Political Work System In The PLA -- 3. The PLA And Intra-CCP Leadership Power Struggle In The Eras Of Mao Zedong And Deng Xiaoping -- 4. Top Leaders And The PLA In The Post-Deng Era -- 5. Circulation Of Elites Across The Civil-Miliary Institutional Boundareis -- 6. Explaining The Evolution Of Civil-Military Relations From Symbiosis To Quasi-Institutionalization In China -- 7. Major Implications For China's National Security, Political-Military Cooperation, And Inter-Agency Policy Coordination -- 8. Conclusion: Institutional Changes And Possible Role Of The Miltiary In Transition To The Post-Xi Jinping Leadership. .

1. Introduction: Analytical Puzzle, Literature Review, Central Arguments, And Methodological Considerations -- 2. Evolving Functions Of The Party And Political Work System In The PLA -- 3. The PLA And Intra-CCP Leadership Power Struggle In The Eras Of Mao Zedong And Deng Xiaoping -- 4. Top Leaders And The PLA In The Post-Deng Era -- 5. Circulation Of Elites Across The Civil-Miliary Institutional Boundareis -- 6. Explaining The Evolution Of Civil-Military Relations From Symbiosis To Quasi-Institutionalization In China -- 7. Major Implications For China's National Security, Political-Military Cooperation, And Inter-Agency Policy Coordination -- 8. Conclusion: Institutional Changes And Possible Role Of The Miltiary In Transition To The Post-Xi Jinping Leadership. .

AbstractA child is born to a father and a mother. This fact, however, is yet to be recognized by demography, in which fertility refers to women's natural ability to give birth. The main reason for the absence of men is that data on births are more often available for women than for men. But in the last few decades, data availability has greatly improved. Recent studies show that total fertility rates (TFRs) of men can be calculated for most countries in the world and that the difference between the TFRs of men and women can be quite large. For low-fertility countries, nonetheless, these studies show little difference between the TFRs of men and women, giving rise to the question: Is men's fertility worth further investigation? To avoid ambiguity in describing a particular difference as small or big, this paper provides a formula for probabilistic TFRs. Using hypothesis test on probabilistic TFRs, we can say that the difference between the TFRs of men and women is statistically significant for all the G7 countries, except for France. To explain the differences between the TFRs of men and women, this study uses models of stable populations and concludes that the one-sex stable population models cannot explain the results whereas a two-sex joint stable population model can do so. By using the two-sex population model, we can explain why the TFR of men in France is almost the same as that of women, and why it is lower than that of women in the other six G7 countries. More specifically, by using the model, we can help explain 76% of the variance in the difference between the TFRs of men and women. Future studies may be able to show that men's TFR is significantly lower than women's in other countries too and explain why it is so. The above findings, however, require closer attention and further investigation, because low fertility could lead to socioeconomic problems. Beyond TFRs, extending fertility studies from women to men as well, that is, conducting fertility studies on both women and men, will fundamentally improve our knowledge about fertility age patterns, trends, determinants, policies and other related issues.

The fear of political vulnerability stemming from an over-reliance on the military for containing COVID-19 led the civilian leadership to deploy the level and type of military support that were deliberately measured and technically specialised; the timings of this support were also carefully planned. The concern about COVID-19 causing significant infections among PLA (People's Liberation Army) ranks that may hamper PLA response to the perceived external security challenges also proved to be premature.

Major security challenges to China's Belt and Road Initiative include geopolitical tensions as well as civil conflicts, terrorist attacks, piracy, abductions, robberies and murders. The methods China has adopted to cope with these challenges range from military deployment, expanding consular protection, relying on militaries of host governments for protection, employing Chinese police for overseas law enforcement, to hiring private security firms. These methods have also encountered many difficulties.

Restructuring and downsizing of China's military, its counter-corruption drive and improved supervision, its focus on its professional role and its limited goals may help optimise the use of the defence budget approved recently by the National People's Congress (NPC). Similarly, the NPC's decision to establish a Ministry of Veteran Affairs to resolve grievances of military veterans may enhance social stability and boost morale in the People's Liberation Army as well as help Xi Jinping to consolidate power.