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The phenomenon of state-led development has been persistent throughout modern history and remains significant today. Latecomers in the world's development, from Russia in the 19th century to contemporary China, persistently resorted to the state as a developmental instrument in economic catch-up. Why did relatively 'backward'economies tend to take the state-led approach rather than following the free market model? Why did those latecomers that used the state as the main coordinator and had the bureaucratic capacity to do so modernize faster than other 'backward' economies? Finally, do the succ

This article investigates the conditions for the emergence of the agents of the Industrial Revolution by comparing the market‐supporting institutions in pre‐modern England and China. Market‐supporting institutions in pre‐modern England supported group mobility and expansion of laws, which permitted the forthcoming of new entrepreneurs critical for launching industrial ventures. By contrast, market‐supporting institutions in pre‐modern China, although supporting individual mobility, led to stable social stratification and stagnancy in law development, which did not provide appropriate conditions for the emergence of industrial entrepreneurs.

This assessment of progress in Southeast Asia on human rights begins in the wake of the 'Asian values' debate and culminates in the formal regional institutionalisation of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). Chapters examine the arduous negotiation of AICHR, the evolving relationship between ASEAN states' and the international human rights system, and the historical and experiential reasons for hesitancy. The text concludes with a discussion of how the evolving right to development impacts upon AICHR and international human rights in general, and how their preference for economic, social and development rights could help ASEAN states shape the debate

Abstract
The conventional regional trading arrangement landscape holds two primary models. One is the 'dynamically expansive supranational model' of the European Union (EU) that progressively enlarges its community beyond the constituent treaty through its evolving laws and institutions. The other is the 'static intergovernmental model' of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) where members strictly uphold obligations in the original agreement – no more and no less. A certain genre of Asia-Pacific regional trading arrangements (and beyond in the global South) sits uncomfortably within this bifurcated landscape. Sovereignty-centric, they seek a dynamic and ever-expanding community like the EU but, firmly rejecting supranationalism, insist on intergovernmental modalities as seen in the USMCA. Unsurprisingly, they have not been effective. Using post-2007 integration data from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, this article presents concordance legalization as a new explanatory framework in this landscape, demonstrating how one can regionalize successfully despite being simultaneously agenda expansive and intergovernmentally operational. Concordance legalization's four-pronged strategy – the constituent treaty explicitly entrenching intergovernmentalism to facilitate dynamic agenda expansion; the dual-step system of primary and secondary laws (with a carefully calibrated use of hard and soft instruments); the organizational hierarchy that expands, implements and exerts intra-regional accountability pressures through numerous meetings and monitoring mechanisms (rather than adjudication) that enforce compliance – has enabled this curious success.

Abstract
Established as a limited regime that mainly carries out promotional activities of public education and roadshows on human rights, strengthening the ASEAN human rights system seems impossible when member states remain sovereignty-centric and thus wary of instituting protective mechanisms of scrutiny such as data transparency, reporting, monitoring, and complaints portals. This challenging outlook is compounded by human rights taking a backseat to economic development in the ASEAN Community's agenda. However, tracking the rarely examined ASEAN human rights reports reveals that a counter-phenomenon quietly arising. This article presents Adaptive Protection as a process where ASEAN human rights officials, by building upon member states' growing familiarity with the 'intrusive' oversight of the UN human rights system, have stealthily adapted (albeit loosely) similar functions of protective scrutiny—namely, data transparency, reporting, monitoring, and hearing complaints—into their limited mandates. Surprisingly, this process has not encountered pushback but instead has garnered grudging acquiescence by ASEAN states.

AbstractThis paper examines the effects of antidumping (AD) investigations on the employment of firms in investigated countries. We utilized firm‐level data from China and data on the AD investigations launched against China by the United States. To measure the intensity of the AD investigations, an AD index was constructed at the industry level, which is the sum of the number of AD investigations in previous years weighted by the inverse of the year distance. We found that firms in the investigated sectors responded to AD investigations by decreasing their numbers of employees, in particular their permanent and skilled employees. Within the investigated sectors, domestic firms were found to be even more active than exporting firms in adjusting their employment practices. Moreover, exporting firms were also found to be likely to increase their investment in research and development (R&D) after AD investigations while domestic firms were found to be more likely to decrease their R&D expenditure.

AbstractThis article uses data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey to examine the changing distribution of net worth with age. Even after controlling for age, the relationship between income and net worth is positive, except for the older age groups. Inequality falls as age increases. The income poor save in different forms compared with high income individuals of the same age cohort. Holdings of financial assets, especially equity investments and superannuation, are heavily concentrated in the hands of high income earners, while fixed income investments are favoured by the elderly for all income groups.

The adoption of the ASEAN Charter in 2007 represented a watershed moment in the organisation's history - for the first time the member states explicitly included principles of human rights and democracy in a binding regional agreement. Since then, developments in the region have included the creation of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights in 2009 and the adoption of the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration in 2012. Despite these advances, many commentators ask whether ASEAN can take human rights seriously. The authors explore this question by comprehensively examining the new ASEAN human rights mechanisms in the context of existing national and international human rights institutions. This book places these regional mechanisms and commitments to human rights within the framework of the political and legal development of ASEAN and its member states and considers the way in which ASEAN could strengthen its new institutions to better promote and protect human rights.

AbstractThis study investigates the effects of preferential trade agreements (PTA) on bilateral trade disputes. We construct a unique and comprehensive dataset on inter‐country trade disputes from 1995 to 2007. The dataset covers 110 countries and 1,162 bilateral country‐pair trade disputes. Using this dataset in a gravity‐type model of trade dispute analysis, we find that countries belonging to the same PTA tend to experience fewer trade conflicts among themselves than with non‐member countries. By studying various types of PTA with different dispute settlement mechanisms, we further find that the dispute‐reducing effect only comes from PTA with specific provisions on dispute settlement mechanisms. Moreover, the effect is stronger if those PTA explicitly stipulate that members can also resolve their disputes via the WTO Dispute Settlement Body. However, having PTA that do not address how members should resolve their disputes may lead to more dispute initiations than in cases without PTA.