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AbstractThis paper reports the fertility intension of women based on data from the national fertility survey in 2017 in China (CFS 2017), after implementation of the universal two-child policy, and analyses major related factors. The reported ideal number of children is 1.96 in average, and the intended number of children is 1.76, with obvious differences among different regions. The ideal number of children is highly correlated with the intended number of children, and intended number of children is related to number of children women already have. Women who have had one child intend to have fewer children than women who have not yet had a child. Women who have not yet had any child intend to have 1.60 children in average. The preference of boy varies by intended number of children.

AbstractNon-sampling errors can generally be divided into three types: sampling frame errors, non-response errors and measurement errors. Missing target units in the sampling frame, improper handling of non-responses, and misreporting or underreporting of key variables in the questionnaire can all cause deviations in a survey's results. The widespread application of Computer-Assisted Personal Interviewing (CAPI) systems and the inclusion of administrative records from government sources in surveys has strengthened the ability to control non-sampling errors. Taking a national fertility sampling survey as an example, this study summarizes the sources of various non-sampling errors and explains how to harness big data resources such as administrative records to control non-sampling errors throughout the survey. The study analyzes the impact of three types of non-sampling errors on the results of the fertility survey and examines the strategies used to address the problems caused by these non-sampling errors. The findings indicate that non-sampling errors were the main source of total error in the survey, and that the errors found came mainly from sampling frame errors; non-response errors and measurement errors were controlled and had little impact on the survey results.

The considerable increase in educational attainment of Chinese women from virtual complete illiteracy 50 years ago to current levels can be traced systematically for the first time on the basis of the 1982 census of China and a large sample survey of the same year. Until very recently we had known only the broad outlines of this major social transformation. Although even the newly available data are imperfect, their significance is illustrated by their strong and consistent association with such vital facts of life as the age at which women marry and the number of children they bear. Educational levels can be shown to have varied with degree of urbanization and rural development from the earliest days of the People's Republic.Major regions of China have distinctive educational histories. In all regions examined here, however, the course of educational change was affected to a greater or lesser degree by such major historical events as the great famine, the Cultural Revolution and the post-Mao reforms. It is now possible to measure with some precision the influence of these events on educational progress. This paper utilizes census and survey data to describe change in female education nationally and for four major regional populations from 1952 to 1982. Because it is plausible that the educational trends and differentials are related to other aspects of Chinese social, political and economic history, they are presented here in some detail.Our findings can be summarized as follows:1. The rise of female education occurred mainly in two periods the 1950s to 1958, and the late 1960s to mid 1970s.

The authors examine the rise of female education in China at the national level, describe regional variations and consider the history of gender equality in educational opportunity as reflected in educational progression ratios. As a demonstration of the significance of female education, education-specific rates of marriage and fertility are discussed. (DÜI-Sen)

Son preference has persisted in the face of sweeping economic and social changes in the countries studied here. We attribute this persistence to their similar family systems, which generate strong disincentives to raise daughters - whether or not their marriages require dowries - while valuing adult women's contributions to the household. Urbanisation, female education and employment can only slowly change these incentives without more direct efforts by the state and civil society to increase the flexibility of the kinship system such that daughters and sons can be perceived as being more equally valuable. Much can be done to accelerate this process through social movements, legislation and the mass media. (Original abstract)

Son preference has persisted in the face of sweeping economic & social changes in these countries. We attribute this to their similar family systems, which generate strong disincentives to raise daughters -- whether or not their marriages require dowries -- while valuing adult women's contributions to the household. Urbanization, female education, & employment can only slowly change these incentives without more direct efforts by the state & civil society to increase the flexibility of the kinship system such that daughters & sons can be perceived as being more equally valuable. Much can be done to accelerate this process through social movements, legislation, & the mass media. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 2 Maps, 103 References. Adapted from the source document.