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To understand the Welsh in their political decisionsBrexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union.While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rdJune 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures.The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken. Zrozumieć Walijczyków w ich politycznych decyzjachBrexit jest jednym z tych wydarzeń, które zdominowały dyskurs medialny w 2017 roku. Decyzja mieszkańców Zjednoczonego Królestwa o opuszczeniu struktur unijnych będzie miała z pewnością poważne konsekwencje nie tylko ekonomiczne, o których mówi się najwięcej, ale również polityczne, społeczne i kulturowe, zarówno dla samego Zjednoczonego Królestwa, jak i mieszkańców państw, które pozostaną członkami Unii Europejskiej.Analizując wyniki referendum, do którego doszło 23 czerwca 2016 roku, dostrzec można, że za wyjściem z Unii Europejskiej opowiedziała się większość głosujących w Anglii i Walii, podczas gdy wyborcy w Szkocji oraz Irlandii Północnej optowali za pozostaniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa w strukturach unijnych.Celem artykułu jest próba wyjaśnienia, dlaczego większość głosujących na terenie Walii opowiedziała się za wyjściem Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej oraz wskazanie potencjalnych korzyści lub też strat wynikających z podjętej decyzji.

Brexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union. While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rd June 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures. The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken.

To understand the Welsh in their political decisionsBrexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union.While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rdJune 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures.The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken. Zrozumieć Walijczyków w ich politycznych decyzjachBrexit jest jednym z tych wydarzeń, które zdominowały dyskurs medialny w 2017 roku. Decyzja mieszkańców Zjednoczonego Królestwa o opuszczeniu struktur unijnych będzie miała z pewnością poważne konsekwencje nie tylko ekonomiczne, o których mówi się najwięcej, ale również polityczne, społeczne i kulturowe, zarówno dla samego Zjednoczonego Królestwa, jak i mieszkańców państw, które pozostaną członkami Unii Europejskiej.Analizując wyniki referendum, do którego doszło 23 czerwca 2016 roku, dostrzec można, że za wyjściem z Unii Europejskiej opowiedziała się większość głosujących w Anglii i Walii, podczas gdy wyborcy w Szkocji oraz Irlandii Północnej optowali za pozostaniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa w strukturach unijnych.Celem artykułu jest próba wyjaśnienia, dlaczego większość głosujących na terenie Walii opowiedziała się za wyjściem Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej oraz wskazanie potencjalnych korzyści lub też strat wynikających z podjętej decyzji.

"The parliamentary, presidential or local government elections are events stirring a lot of emotions in almost every country in which they are carried out. This should hardly be surprising, taking their conflict‑triggering and competitive character into account. This very competitive character of elections mainly results from the existence of socio‑political cleavages. Different opinions and views existing amongst the members of a given society not only explain the diversity of political parties, but also influence their functioning. The above claims may be approached in two ways. The first one assumes that the electoral decision is the result of the voters' response to the problems and issues presented in the pre‑election and election discourse' […] (fragm.)

"Despite the passage of time, family is still one of the most prominent topics not only in the works of sociologists but also those of political scientists and psychologists. This is without doubt the consequence of its functions and the changes affecting it in the twentieth and twenty‑first century. Barbara Szacka, when speaking about the functions of the family, distinguishes those that arise directly from its fundamental nature as a primary group, and those resulting from its reproductive biological and socio‑cultural potential. The latter includes: regulating sexual behaviour, biological reproduction, providing material means of making a living, socialisation of successive generations, protection and emotional support as well as positioning in the social space and determining social identity" […] (fragm.)

The purpose of the article is to present changes in the approach to reform of local government in the United Kingdom, in the case of which, since 1997, so after the seizure of power by the Labour Party, the strengthening of the position of individual regions of the United Kingdom, id est Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland can be observed. Paradoxically devolution did not take place in England which does not have its own government and parliament. The response of the conservative‑liberal democrat coalition to this situation is without doubt the proposal to strengthen the competencies and powers of English cities. Such a policy is without doubt an example of a broader change in the contemporary political discourse, which recognizes an increasingly important role played not only, but still, by regions, but also by cities. The aim of the article is to familiarize a reader with these changes on the example of the UK, where the global tendencies to strengthen the role of cities, of which examples are such initiatives as the United Cities and Local Governments, International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives and C40 become to have real, institutional, inscribed in a particular political and national tradition shapes.

Demographic aspects of self-determination of nation on the example of modern WalesDemographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many different ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from the fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increasing costs. Under certain conditions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosperous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition invaluable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard. Demograficzne aspekty samostanowienia narodu na przykładzie współczesnej WaliiProblemy demograficzne i ich konsekwencje analizowane były do tej pory na wiele różnych sposobów i przy uwzględnieniu różnych punktów widzenia. Badano ich wzajemne relacje i uwarunkowania, mimo iż zainteresowanie problemami demograficznymi w społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych wynikało i nadal wynika z dość prozaicznych powodów. Radzenie sobie z nimi wymaga bowiem ponoszenia coraz to większych kosztów. W określonych warunkach jednak pozaekonomiczne korzyści mogą, a przynajmniej powinny, stać się ważniejsze od gospodarczych strat. Przypadek tytułowej Walii zdaje się potwierdzać tą tezę. Podstawą dobrze prosperującego i silnego narodu jest jego odpowiednia kondycja demograficzna, bezcenna z perspektywy rywalizacji z innym narodem. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie sytuacji demograficznej Walii, zidentyfikowanie najważniejszych jej problemów demograficznych, a także wskazanie działań podejmowanych przez rząd walijski w tym zakresie.

Demographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increased expences. Under certain condi-tions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosper-ous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition, in-valuable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard.

Unfinished restructuring of the mining industry can be a source of social instability in the Silesian voivodeship in the coming years. Decreasing demand for coal, wider use of alternative energy sources, cheaper import of raw materials from Ukraine or Russia will lead to redundancies in this sector of economy. Moreover, the provisions of the Kyoto Protocol of which Poland is one of signatories, force Polish government to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that are produced during the coal combustion. This is another factor that may significantly affect the reduction of employment in the mining sector. Another danger facing the regional labour market is the replacement of the mining companies with the companies that represent the automotive industry. As a result a new monoculture is appearing on the local market of the Silesian voivodeship now. This industry is, as the recent economic crisis has showed, particularly exposed to economic fluctuations which lead to the structural unemployment. Therefore authorities should try to diversify the structure of the regional economy by new investments and not to allow to concentrate companies from the same sector on a small area. The Silesian voivodeship needs more jobs in the service and high technology sectors which would limit the migration of young, well-educated people. In the case of South Wales the share of these sectors in its economy is greater than in the case of the Silesian voivodeship. Despite this a large percentage of native inhabitants of South Wales decide to emigrate but at the same new ones from other parts of Wales and different parts of the UK come and settle down. This explains the positive net migration, as well as the positive natural increase. Despite this and despite the fact that the impact of the economic crisis on Wales was so drastic the increase in the unemployment rate during the crisis period was smaller in South Wales than in the Silesian voivodeship. This can be explained not only by more multicultural structure of its economy but also by the differences as far as the number of young people at the age of 15−24 who are economically active and the number of people working at part-time jobs is concerned. The labour markets of both of these regions have experienced negative consequences of the economic crisis, but in the case of South Wales unless the influx of new population had not been so significant these consequences would probably have been less severe. However, further research in this field is required.