Suchergebnisse

This commentary on Moss and Vollhardt's (2016) article examines how their findings complement a study by Kanazayire, Licata, Mélotte, Dusingizemungu, and Azzi (2014), which also sought to assess the effectiveness of the Rwandan government's ethnic identity policy for improving reconciliation sentiments in postgenocide Rwanda.

Since the creation in Maastricht of the status of citizen of the Union, member States' nationals possess a dual citizenship: they are both citizens of their country and of the European Union. This raises the issue of the relationship between subordinate (nations) and super-ordinate (EU) levels of identification. This paper first investigates the relevance of Social Representations and Social Identity Theories for understanding geopolitical identity building process. The national model is examined, then its role as a source of social cognitive anchoring in the development of social representations of Europe is outlined. It was predicted that anticipating antagonistic relationships between the nation and the EU would elicit a perception of threat and therefore hinder European identification whereas anticipating a complementary relationship would facilitate it. Results of three correlational studies with French-speaking Belgian psychology students addressing their national and European identifications and their anticipatory representations of the European integration process are presented. They show that participants were generally euro-enthusiastic, but that potential losses of cultural distinctiveness and of national sovereignty were perceived as threatening. Moreover, they confirmed that identification with Europe is facilitated by a representation of Europe and the nation as complementary rather than antagonistic. Results are discussed with respect to their theoretical contribution and to their implications for the pursuit of the European integration project. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

"Colonialism, that Loomba calls 'the most complex and traumatic relationship in human history' (2005, 8), has left its mark on international relations, social relationships within nations, and the ideologies and imaginaries of virtually all the peoples of the world. Understanding colonialism and its consequences is therefore essential to comprehending the dynamics and conflicts of the contemporary world. This special focus was born out of a desire to bring social psychological studies on colonialism to broader attention." (author's abstract)

"After publication of Adam Hochschild's King Leopold's Ghost in 1998, asserting that King Leopold II had been responsible for a 'holocaust' in the Congo and the heated public debate this provoked, the authors set out to study Belgian people's reactions to these accusations. In two studies they compared collective memories of and emotions associated with Belgium's colonial action in the Congo in different generations. Results show higher levels of collective guilt and support for reparative actions among young adults than among older generations. This difference can be explained either by referring to the different ideological backgrounds in which different generations were socialized, as evidenced by stark differences in collective memories of colonialism, or by referring to the influence of national identification. Indeed, people could adapt their representations of colonialism in order to avoid experiencing a social identity threat. However, evidence for the identity-protecting functions of collective memories and collective emotions was only found in the older generations: young people held negative representations of colonialism independently of their level of national identification. They refer to the normative dimension of collective guilt to interpret these results." (author's abstract)

Colonialism, that Loomba calls "the most complex and traumatic relationship in human history" (2005, 8), has left its mark on international relations, social relationships within nations, and the ideologies and imaginaries of virtually all the peoples of the world. Understanding colonialism and its consequences is therefore essential to comprehending the dynamics and conflicts of the contemporary world. This special focus was born out of a desire to bring social psychological studies on colonialism to broader attention. Adapted from the source document.

After publication of Adam Hochschild's King Leopold's Ghost in 1998, asserting that King Leopold II had been responsible for a "holocaust" in the Congo and the heated public debate this provoked, we set out to study Belgian people's reactions to these accusations. In two studies we compared collective memories of and emotions associated with Belgium's colonial action in the Congo in different generations. Results show higher levels of collective guilt and support for reparative actions among young adults than among older generations. This difference can be explained either by referring to the different ideological backgrounds in which different generations were socialized, as evidenced by stark differences in collective memories of colonialism, or by referring to the influence of national identification. Indeed, people could adapt their representations of colonialism in order to avoid experiencing a social identity threat. However, evidence for the identity-protecting functions of collective memories and collective emotions was only found in the older generations: young people held negative representations of colonialism independently of their level of national identification. We refer to the normative dimension of collective guilt to interpret these results. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines how group representations can be used strategically to induce social change. The speeches delivered by Patrice Lumumba during the decolonization of the Belgian Congo were analysed using the content analysis software ALCESTE. Lumumba used radically different descriptions of Belgians and Congolese depending on the period during which the speech was delivered and on the audience he was addressing (Congolese or Belgian). When addressing Belgians, he described their countrymen as benevolent allies who could assist the development of Congo, and the Congolese as pacific and friendly. When addressing Congolese audiences, Belgians were described as oppressors, and Congolese as victims. In addition he emphasized the unity of the country more at the end of the decolonization process than at its onset. Considering that his nationalist and pan-African aims remained stable, we suggest that this variability stems from the different actions expected from his audiences, as a function of their group membership and the political context. We argue that this performative dimension cannot be captured if group representations, including stereotypes, are only viewed in cognitive terms. In addition, we show that they should be studied not only as justifications for the existing social order but also as instruments of social change. ; Journal Article ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; FLWIN ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Depuis les travaux pionniers de Katona (1960, 1975) sur le rôle des facteurs psychologiques dans l'économie, la compréhension de l'économie par l'homme de la rue est devenue un enjeu crucial pour les économistes et les décideurs politiques. L'idée sous-jacente est que ce que les gens pensent à propos de l'économie va guider leur comportement au sein de l'économie. De ce fait, la compréhension de la structure et du contenu de savoir économique populaire constitue la clé pour expliquer (et peut-être même prédire) le comportement économique aussi bien au niveau individuel qu'au niveau collectif. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Building up on pre-existing vulnerabilities and social exclusions, refugees and migrants are disproportionately suffering from the negative effects of the COVID-19 outbreak. Insecure legal status is an additional stressor that may accentuate social cleavages and ultimately impair their trust in host society and institutions. Based on a diverse sample of refugees and migrants in Belgium (N = 355), the present study investigates direct and indirect effects of legal status—measured as the type of residence permit held by participants—on social and political trust during the COVID- 19 outbreak. Secured legal status was positively associated with social and political trust directly, and indirectly via a serial mediation composed by two cumulative stages. First, participants with a more secured legal status experienced less material difficulties to cope with the pandemic (i.e., first material stage). Second, participant who experienced less material difficulties identified more with the host society (i.e., second symbolic stage). In turn, reduced material difficulties and increased identification with the host society were both positively associated with social and political trust. Our findings advocate for securing legal status of refugees and migrants to help societies cope cohesively with the long-lasting effects of the COVID- 19 outbreak. ; This research was supported by a Postdoctoral Mobility grant from the Swiss National Foundation for Scientific Research awarded to Emanuele Politi (Postdoc.Mobility n° P500PS_202985 / 1). The Université Libre de Bruxelles signed a service agreement and was funded by the UNHCR to provide technical assistance during the Refugee Committee Project. ; reviewed ; acceptedVersion

Les phobies sociales (xénophobie, homophobie, islamophobie, etc.) rendent impossible la communication entre les personnes. Depuis une vingtaine d'années, reconnaitre les victimes est devenu une ressource qui permet de situer les phobies sociales dans leur contexte historique, de les comprendre comme participant des relations dynamiques entre groupes sociaux. Cependant, l'application croissante de principes de reconnaissance dans le champ politique présente des effets pervers parce qu'elle donne lieu à des conflits d'intérêt entre groupes revendiquant le statut de victimes. Cette interprétation victimaire des rapports sociaux restreint les possibilités de débat et enferme les groupes et leurs membres dans des rôles figés. En fin de compte, l'émotion s'est déplacée de la peur vers la culpabilité ou la honte, mais est-on réellement parvenu à restaurer la communication ? ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Dans la société contemporaine, les jeunes Belges issus de l'immigration sont de plus en plus exposés aux changements structurels et à l'évolution des pratiques socioculturelles des pays d'origine de leurs parents. Cet article traite du rôle des contacts avec le pays d'origine dans la construction de l'identité sociale d'enfants d'immigrés. Nous postulons que ces contacts affectent les « stratégies identitaires » telles que définies par Carmel Camilleri (1990). Seize jeunes Belges d'origine turque et marocaine ont été rencontrés lors d'entretiens semi-directifs qui furent par la suite analysés au moyen du logiciel d'analyse de données textuelles ALCESTE. Nous observons une influence de la dimension de genre dans l'incidence de ces contacts sur l'identité ainsi que l'émergence de stratégies visant à gérer la disparité culturelle et les assignations identitaires provenant du pays d'origine.

Collaboration with the Nazi occupier during WWII has always been a topic of dissent between French-speakers (FS) and Dutch-speakers (DS) in Bel- gium. According to a popular myth coined after the war and often narrated in the media and literature, collabo- ration was widespread in Flanders, whereas Walloons bravely resisted, although historical reality is much more nuanced. These representations regularly resur- face in political debates surrounding the Belgian linguis- tic conflict. Demands for amnesty addressed by national- ist Flemish parties are a case in point. A questionnaire survey (N = 521; 315 FS and 206 DS) showed that col- laboration was represented negatively and was morally condemned in both groups. However, DS expressed more Support for Amnesty (SA) than FS. This effect of Linguistic Group (LG) on SA was mediated by judgment of morality of collaboration, and this mediation was moderated by identification with the LG. Interestingly, SA was predicted by judgments of morality of DS, but not of FS, collaborators, in both groups, as if francophone collaboration was deemed irrelevant. Results suggest that differences between DS and FS in political positiontaking regarding the granting of amnesty are partly due to differences in representations of collaboration, and to different perspectives towards the same historical rep- resentation. The myth is both shared and disputed. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Collective memory theories propose that groups' remembrances of their past depend upon their current social situation. In Belgium, a significant proportion of Dutch speakers share a collective memory of past victimisation by French speakers and fight for an ever-larger autonomy of their region. Yet, as the respective economic, political and social situations of the linguistic regions of Belgium recently evolved with a reversal of fortunes, the current experience of younger Dutch speakers does not fit the traditional memory anymore. We thus predicted that the collective memories of victimhood would decline amongst them, thus bringing changes in intergroup attitudes and political aspirations. Three generations were compared in a survey of 1226 French-speaking and 1457 Dutch-speaking individuals. For both groups, younger generations evidenced less regionalist and more integrative positions than older ones. However, these effects were stronger for Dutch-speaking respondents, and for them, collective memory of victimhood mediated the relation linking age and identification with Belgium, intergroup attitudes and political aspirations. We concluded that the current social context has decisive consequences for collective remembrances, which, in turn, impact intergroup relations and political attitudes and choices

AbstractA common explanation for the success of populists is that they rhetorically shift blame for their followers' hardships toward "elites," therefore creating a culpable outgroup. However, we argue that there are two confounded effects at play here: shifting blame toward an outgroup and shifting blame away from oneself. Therefore, we theorize that above and beyond elite blame, victimization rhetoric heightens leader support because it specifically relieves followers of the pressure of having to take responsibility for negative life outcomes, especially when they subscribe to neoliberal competition ideology. Supporting our predictions, we show via a survey that victim rhetoric increases leader support while controlling for elite blame, especially among people subscribing to neoliberal competition ideology. In a subsequent experiment, we replicate the findings causally and show that the effect works by reducing perceived personal responsibility for negative life outcomes. Our results indicate that populist rhetoric involves shifting blame toward others and away from oneself. This can explain some of the conundrums that have plagued the literature, such as why elites also fall for populist rhetoric. We discuss our findings in relation to cultural differences and differences in left‐ versus right‐wing populism.

It is a known fact that some Belgians collaborated with the Nazi occupier during WWII. However, according to a popular myth, collaboration was widespread in Flanders, whereas Walloons bravely resisted. Of course, historical reality is much more nuanced, but this oversimplification has largely resurfaced in political debates surrounding the Belgian linguistic conflict. Demands for amnesty for former collaborators addressed by Flemish nationalist parties are a case in point. We conducted two studies in order to investigate Belgians' attitudes towards this political issue in the two linguistic communities. In 2012, a first survey (N = 521; 315 French-speakers (FS) and 206 Dutch-speakers (DS)) showed that WWII collaboration was morally condemned, and attitudes towards amnesty were predominantly negative, in both groups. However, DS tended to support amnesty more than FS. This effect of Linguistic Group on Support for Amnesty was mediated by Judgments of Morality of collaboration, and this mediation was moderated by Linguistic identification. In 2015, a second survey (N = 774; 476 FS and 298 DS) confirmed these results. Moreover, judgments about the Unfairness of the repression of collaboration also mediated the effect of Linguistic Group on Support for Amnesty. These results suggest that differences in political position-taking regarding the granting of amnesty between DS and FS are, at least partly, due to different attitudes towards collaboration and to the membership to a linguistic community.