AbstractOver the next generation or two, America's older, largely white population will increasingly be replaced by today's disproportionately poor minority children. All future growth will come from populations other than non-Hispanic whites as America moves toward a majority-minority society by 2043. This so-called Third Demographic Transition raises important implications about changing racial boundaries in the United States, that is, about the physical, economic, and sociocultural barriers that separate different racial and ethnic groups. America's racial transformation may place upward demographic pressure on future poverty and inequality as today's disproportionately poor and minority children grow into adult roles. Racial boundaries will be reshaped by the changing meaning of race and ethnicity, shifting patterns of racial segregation in neighborhoods and the workplace, newly integrating (or not) friendship networks, and changing rates of interracial marriage and childbearing. The empirical literature provides complicated lessons and offers few guarantees that growing racial diversity will lead to a corresponding breakdown in racial boundaries—that whites and minorities will increasingly share the same physical and social spaces or interact as coequals. How America's older population of elected officials and taxpayers responds today to America's increasingly diverse population will provide a window to the future, when today's children successfully transition (or not) into productive adult roles. Racial and ethnic inclusion will be reshaped by changing ethnoracial inequality, which highlights the need to invest in children—now.
AbstractThis article highlights the new racial and ethnic diversity in rural America, which may be the most important but least anticipated population shift in recent demographic history. Ethnoracial change is central to virtually every aspect of rural America over the foreseeable future: agro‐food systems, community life, labor force change, economic development, schools and schooling, demographic change, intergroup relations, and politics. The goal here is to plainly illustrate how America's racial and ethnic transformation has emerged as an important dimension of ongoing U.S. urbanization and urbanism, growing cultural and economic heterogeneity, and a putative "decline in community" in rural America. Rural communities provide a natural laboratory for better understanding the implications of uneven settlement and racial diversity, acculturation, and economic and political incorporation among Hispanic newcomers. This article raises the prospect of a new racial balkanization and outlines key impediments to full incorporation of Hispanics into rural and small town community life. Immigration and the new ethnoracial diversity will be at the leading edge of major changes in rural community life as the nation moves toward becoming a majority‐minority society by 2042.
This article highlights the new racial and ethnic diversity in rural America, which may be the most important but least anticipated population shift in recent demographic history. Ethnoracial change is central to virtually every aspect of rural America over the foreseeable future: agro-food systems, community life, labor force change, economic development, schools and schooling, demographic change, intergroup relations, and politics. The goal here is to plainly illustrate how America's racial and ethnic transformation has emerged as an important dimension of ongoing U.S. urbanization and urbanism, growing cultural and economic heterogeneity, and a putative "decline in community" in rural America. Rural communities provide a natural laboratory for better understanding the implications of uneven settlement and racial diversity, acculturation, and economic and political incorporation among Hispanic newcomers. This article raises the prospect of a new racial balkanization and outlines key impediments to full incorporation of Hispanics into rural and small town community life. Immigration and the new ethnoracial diversity will be at the leading edge of major changes in rural community life as the nation moves toward becoming a majority-minority society by 2042.
À partir de nouvelles données américaines tirées de l'échantillon à 1 % du Public Use Microdata Sample du Recensement décennal de 1990, l'auteur cherche à mesurer à quel point les variations interraciales du bien-être économique chez les enfants sont liées à des différences entre les groupes de diverses ethnies ou races au point de vue de la composition familiale et (ou) de la participation des parents au travail rémunéré. Il apparaît que les différences interraciales de composition familiale rendent inopérants les efforts entrepris pour éliminer les écarts de richesse entre enfants américains de diverses origines. Ainsi, l'importance de la proportion d'enfants noirs vivant en famille monoparentale avec leur mère explique 60 % de l'écart qui sépare le taux de pauvreté des enfants noirs de celui des enfants blancs. De même, les écarts de pauvreté chez les enfants entre les groupes s'expliquent en partie (mais non complètement) par la variation interraciale des modèles de participation au travail des parents. Parmi les enfants vivant en famille biparentale, les taux de pauvreté sont environ deux fois plus élevés chez les enfants noirs que chez les enfants blancs, même si les premiers ont plus de chances d'avoir deux parents qui travaillent. On peut en conclure que les inégalités raciales ne seront pas éliminées par les politiques strictement conçues pour «renforcer la famille» ou inciter les mères au travail (sans égard au niveau des salaires), surtout dans le cas des enfants des minorités défavorisées depuis plusieurs générations.
The deteriorating economic well-being of children portends less well-adjusted adults and a diminished economic future for America. A disproportionate share of today's poor children will become tomorrow's poor adults. This chapter discusses the concept, definition, and measurement of children's economic well-being and poverty. Children's current economic well-being is evaluated in comparative perspective—international, historical, and demographic. The chapter also evaluates the etiology of changes in children's absolute and relative economic well-being, focusing especially on the role of the changing family, parental employment, and levels of social provision for poor families. These "causes" are then evaluated in the context of recent public policy debates, including the devolution of federal welfare programs to the states.
A preliminary analysis of the hypothesis that a shrinking pool of eligible males magnifies the competition for spouses among older, never-married women & contributes to a shift toward atypical marriages. Testing the hypothesis with data from the Public Use Microdata Sample of the 1980 US Census (N = 48,808 married-couple household records) reveals that delayed marriage is associated with age hypergamy, entry into the marriage market of previously married men, & educational status hypogamy. Although nonmarriage is an option increasingly chosen by older women, another alternative is to expand the field of potential marital partners through increased marital heterogamy. 2 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.