Suchergebnisse

"This edited book analyzes Kosovo's foreign policy and bilateral relations with the United States and several European countries. After the 1999 liberation from Serbia, Kosovo built close relations with various countries which supported it in the process of reconstruction, economic stabilization, institution-building, and state-building. From 1999 to 2008, many of these states were politically and operationally engaged in Kosovo under the leadership of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Since its independence in 2008, the Republic of Kosovo has adopted a foreign policy in accordance with its values and strategic interests, a foreign policy that aims to strengthen Kosovo's security and foster its socio-economic prosperity in collaboration with primarily Western countries. In this volume, each chapter is dedicated to Kosovo's bilateral relations with a selected state with which it has established diplomatic relations. The book shows that Kosovo has been able to develop and achieve strong bilateral relations with major allies and partners. It argues that Kosovo's foreign policy aims to develop, maintain, and enhance the position of the young state on the international stage. The volume bridges various methodological and disciplinary approaches in order to present Kosovo's foreign policy objectives and the trajectory of its relations with some of its most important international partners. This book will be of interest to students of Balkan politics, state-building, foreign policy, and International Relations"--

This EUCROSS Working paper analyses the European regional order in the Western Balkans which is more and more challenged by the projection of the emerging powers in this region. In other words, it aims to analyses the new international balance of power in the context of the diffusion of global power in a changing world order. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part explains particularly the context of the penetration of emerging powers into a European space as is the region of the Western Balkans. The second focus on their objectives and strategies to challenge the European regional order. Finally, the third studies the European response in order to remain the most visible player in the Western Balkans. ; Peer reviewed

Dans l'évolution de la situation politique, sécuritaire ou économique des Balkans occidentaux (Albanie, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Croatie, Kosovo, Macédoine, Monténégro, Serbie) des acteurs extérieurs, comme la Turquie, ont joué un rôle important ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Les États de cette région ont vécu, durant une période longue sous la domination de l'Empire ottoman dont le successeur direct a été la Turquie moderne, à l'exception de la Croatie qui a été sous influence de l'Empire austro-hongrois. Suite à la fin de la guerre froide, à la chute du communisme en Albanie et aux guerres des années 1990 en ex-Yougoslavie, la Turquie a renouvelé son intérêt pour la région. Toutefois, c'est à partir de 2002, avec l'arrivée au pouvoir du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), que l'État turc – inspiré par la doctrine de « profondeur stratégique » du Premier ministre actuel Ahmet Davutoğlu – est devenu un important acteur régional. D'ailleurs, depuis la fondation de la République turque en 1923, ses relations avec les Balkans occidentaux n'ont jamais été aussi intenses. En effet, la crise financière et économique que connaît l'Union européenne (UE) depuis 2008 a affecté sévèrement les économies des Balkans occidentaux, particulièrement dans les domaines des investissements directs étrangers (IDE), des financements privés et des transferts de fonds de la diaspora. Par conséquent, l'influence de la Turquie mais également de la Russie, de la Chine, et de certains pays arabes du Moyen-Orient a augmenté dans la région. Cependant, en dépit de la crise européenne et de ses répercussions sur les pays balkaniques, l'adhésion à l'UE reste une priorité tant pour ces derniers que pour la Turquie. Dans cette contribution, nous nous pencherons sur la question centrale des défis que représente la pénétration turque dans les Balkans occidentaux pour le déploiement de l'UE dans cette région. Cette question se déclinera en plusieurs sous-questions : quels sont les intérêts de la Turquie dans les Balkans occidentaux ? La présence assertive turque dans cette région présente-t-elle des défis pour le régionalisme européen ? Les stratégies de la Turquie et de l'UE vis-à-vis des Balkans occidentaux sont-elles compétitrices ou complémentaires ? Pour ce faire, la première partie, divisée en trois sections, sera consacrée notamment à la première étape de la pénétration turque dans la région, à savoir celle des années 1990. Enfin, dans la deuxième, elle-même scindée en trois sections, l'analyse portera sur la période post-2000 traitant le processus d'élargissement de l'UE vers la région et la projection assertive de la Turquie. ; Peer reviewed

Abstract: Since coming to power of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) in 2002, Turkey, like other emerging powers, does not hesitate to pursue a policy based on diversification of its external relations in order to play a greater role on the international scene. The Turkish government has adopted a foreign policy so called "zero problems" with neighboring countries including the Western Balkans. Through such a policy, the Turkish authorities are making efforts to regain influence in this area, which for five centuries was part of the Ottoman Empire. However, current circumstances in the Balkans are totally different compared to those of a century ago. Therefore, proactive ambitions of Turkish foreign policy for a classic domination of the region appear to be inconsistent with the time.

This chapter analyzes relations between the European Union (EU) and the Republic of Kosovo for the period between 2008 and 2020. On February 17, 2008, Kosovo declared its independence and became the newest state in Europe. The EU is a strategic partner for Kosovo. All of Kosovo's governments have declared EU membership as a national priority. But the EU has applied ambiguity and ambivalence towards the Republic of Kosovo, and five of its twenty-seven member states have not yet recognized Kosovo's independence. These ambiguity and ambivalence, addressed in this research, are visible in the two European institutions: the European Commission and the European Council, which support the Kosovar state but at the same time take into account the positions of the five non-recognising EU member countries. Moreover, the case of visa non-liberalization shows the impact of the EU's ambivalence. However, the EU, with the support of the United States of America (USA), is playing the role of a mediator in order to normalize the bilateral relations between Kosovo and Serbia. The findings of this research revealed that the dialogue resolved many technical issues, but full normalization and reciprocal official recognition of the two states have not yet taken place. ; Peer reviewed

On 10 August 2014, Turkey will hold the first round of presidential election which are of specific importance, as its results will shape the country's both domestic politics and external relations. This paper discusses the key challenges which Turkey's next president must undertake. The domestic challenges range from revision of Constitution, Kurdish peace process and economic growth to polarization of society, freedom of judiciary, separation of powers and civil liberties. In the external relations area, the principal challenges are the worsening of country's relations with its neighbours, security threats and the stalemate of the EU integration. Several domestic and external challenges are inter-related: for instance, the freedom of judiciary, separation of powers and civil liberties affect the EU integration process; the political uncertainty relates to economic growth and foreign investments; the Kurdish peace process impacts on the external security issues; the economic factors influence the relations with the Kurdistan Regional Government and Iraq's central government; the Syrian crisis raises new challenges with regard to the Syrian refugees in Turkey. Therefore, addressing Turkey's current domestic and external challenges will be a long, puzzling and often conflicting-results process.

Cet ouvrage collectif s'intéresse au concept de frontière en alliant diverses disciplines. La notion de frontière transcende toutes les disciplines scientifiques pour couvrir des aspects tantôt matériels, tantôt immatériels. Elle peut être synonyme de limite physique, mais également symbolique ou encore idéologique. Notion polysémique, la frontière est ici envisagée à travers deux approches des Sciences sociales, à la fois différentes et complémentaires :politologique internationaliste, d'une part, et sociologique, d'autre part.Cet ouvrage se veut inédit de par son approche méthodologique diversifiée et apporte une plus-value aux approches classiques de Science politique et de Relations internationales sur la notion de frontière en favorisant sa mise en perspective multidisciplinaire. Il rassemble huit contributions originales et innovantes, mêlant réflexions théoriques et perspectives empiriques. Il contribue ainsi au développement des connaissances et à enrichir le débat sur une notion vaste et polysémique. ; Avec le soutien du Département de Science politique de l'Université de Liège et du Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique (Communauté française de Belgique) - F.R.S.-FNRS ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published