Suchergebnisse

Abstract
While the concept of hua has always been integrated with China and Chinese, huaren and huaqiao and the like have different identities, involving profound historical, social, and cultural significance as well as the core values and attributes of Chineseness. Based on a semiotic approach, this paper explores the special relations between hua as a semiotic symbol and the connotations implied in relation to translation studies through typical case analyses and personal experience shared. Certain meaningful implications may be revealed from three aspects, namely the connotations of hua in the light of a semiotic approach, Chinese identities and Chineseness, and the "signifier," the "signified," and their agreement.

Die Tao verfügen über ein ganzheitliches Musikkonzept, das unlösbar mit allen Lebensbereichen verwoben ist. Die Autorin untersucht die Singpraxis der Tao daher anhand von ethnomusikologischen sowie sozial- und kulturanthropologischen Methoden und Ansätzen und fragt: Wie haben die Geister den Tao in früheren Zeiten das Singen beigebracht und wie kommunizieren sie, wenn jemand ein Tabu bricht? Was hat Singen mit der Nutzung von Naturressourcen zu tun? Und wie verändert sich das musikalische Verhalten im Lauf der Zeit? Dabei wird deutlich, dass ein tieferes Verständnis soziokultureller Transformationsprozesse nur erfolgen kann, wenn man berücksichtigt, dass zwischen Liedern, Geistern und Tabus wechselseitige Beziehungen bestehen.

Die Tao verfügen über ein ganzheitliches Musikkonzept, das unlösbar mit allen Lebensbereichen verwoben ist. Wei-Ya Lin untersucht die Singpraxis der Tao daher anhand von ethnomusikologischen sowie sozial- und kulturanthropologischen Methoden und Ansätzen und fragt: Wie haben die Geister den Tao in früheren Zeiten das Singen beigebracht und wie kommunizieren sie, wenn jemand ein Tabu bricht? Was hat Singen mit der Nutzung von Naturressourcen zu tun? Und wie verändert sich das musikalische Verhalten im Lauf der Zeit? Dabei wird deutlich, dass ein tieferes Verständnis soziokultureller Transformationsprozesse nur erfolgen kann, wenn man berücksichtigt, dass zwischen Liedern, Geistern und Tabus wechselseitige Beziehungen bestehen.

AbstractDrawing on ethnography from Mazu, a group of demilitarized islands between China and Taiwan, this article argues that contemporary pilgrimage is an imaginative work that generates hope and potentialities for the increasingly marginalized islanders. I explore the imaginative qualities of the rituals, qualities that I refer to collectively as "virtual recentralization." "Recentralization" connotes the islanders' longing to regain their Cold War status as the focal point between China and Taiwan, even though the desired goal can only be "virtual" as cross-strait tensions continue to diminish. These pilgrimages, with their eclectic, improvisatory, and novel forms, differ from traditional pilgrimages in important ways: rather than transmitting permanent and solid religious values, they are oriented towards performance and are imbued with elements of fiction and fantasy. They are the means by which the Mazu islanders, in this neoliberal era, imagine their future, reconfigure political, economic, and religious space, and forge new connections between China, Taiwan, and even the wider world.

The Tao (chi. 達悟 or Yami 雅美) are one of the 14 officially recognized indigenous groups in Taiwan, who live on Orchid Island southeast of the main island of Taiwan. Their language is orally transmitted. The traditional music of the Tao primarily consists of songs, which are used as means for teaching and saving history, life stories and taboos of the Tao. Their songs carry all the wisdom gained from centuries of experience; they support the life of the Tao, their surviving in harmony with nature and they are necessary as tools for education of their traditions and heritage. How are taboos defined and what kind of function do taboos have in the society of Tao? How is the function of traditional songs related to the taboos? What kind of relationship do songs and taboos have in the society of Tao? I would like to discuss these questions in this article.

When I first started fieldwork in Wannian, a village in southwestern Taiwan, I stayed in the village leader's house. At this early stage of the fieldwork, my relationship with the villagers was no more than polite and formal. One afternoon, I heard villagers talking in low and urgent voices about their temple's god statue. When I approached, they fell silent. No matter how I tried to question them about what had happened, they would tell me nothing. In the following days the village atmosphere became ponderous and oppressive, and I felt my presence there becoming increasingly awkward. Thinking that leaving for a while might provide a relief for both the villagers and me, I moved to a neighboring village. Since it was only one kilometer away, the wind brought the sound of the Wannian village loudspeaker. Though they had lowered the volume, I could vaguely hear announcements of preparations for upcoming ceremonies of worship. After a month, I moved back to Wannian, but only several years later did I understand what had happened.