Suchergebnisse

The subject matter of this work is the functioning of a specific market of undeveloped real estate intended for cemeteries. There is a need in Poland not only to expand the existing cemeteries but also to establish new ones. However, such investments are successfully made only in a few gminas, not to mention big cities, where they seem even harder to be carried out. The aim of this article is to outline the issues of negotiations, expropriation and compensation in the process of investment implementation in Poland. In the negotiation process between a gmina (commune) and a private entity, carried out for the purchase of land intended for cemeteries, it has been proved that the gmina must assume the cost of the investment at approximately 55% of the purchase price of land intended for single-family housing on a given local market. Additionally, the author indicates the limitations associated with the location of investments in local spatial development plans as well as the limitations in terms of conducting effective negotiations for purchasing land intended for cemeteries by means of an agreement. The main problem indicated in the work is the location damage (suffered or not), which has largely contributed to blocking the contractual purchase of land and substantially complicates and delays termination of the expropriation procedure.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie kierunków zmian w zakresie społecznych polityk mieszkaniowych w krajach Unii Europejskiej. W opracowaniu wskazano na podstawowe warunki prowadzenia skutecznej polityki mieszkaniowej. Zdaniem autora są nimi prawidłowa alokacja społecznego zasobu mieszkaniowego, uwzględniająca warunki wejścia i wyjścia z zasobu społecznego, właściwy wybór grup docelowych zasobu społecznego, dopasowana forma organizacyjna budownictwa społecznego do modelu społecznej polityki mieszkaniowej, w tym określenie warunków i zakresu partycypacji sektora prywatnego w budownictwie społecznym, odpowiedni podział odpowiedzialności za realizację celów społecznych między władzę centralną a władzę lokalną, ustalenie racjonalnych zakresów ochrony prawnej zarówno lokatorów, jak i właścicieli społecznego zasobu mieszkaniowego. Autor wykazuje, że w krajach Unii Europejskiej, w szczególności przez charakter regulacji unijnych, występuje silne przesunięcie z szerokiego do selektywnego wsparcia państwa w sferze mieszkaniowej.

AbstractArmed conflict, and to a lesser extent terrorism, have detrimental effect on economic and social development through destruction of human and physical capital and ensuing disruption to economic activity. There is also likely to be an indirect effect of political instability through its impact on foreign aid. The net effect is not obvious; violence may discourage aid donors and hence lead to a fall in received aid on the one hand, but it may well lead to an increase in foreign aid as donors offer reimbursement for counterterrorism efforts on the other hand. This paper uses a panel of countries to identify the net effect of armed conflict and terrorism, both domestic and international, on aid receipts. It shows that armed conflict has a negative effect on the amounts of both bilateral and multilateral aid. It also finds that terrorism tends to increase foreign assistance. The effect is stronger for bilateral aid; this is consistent with the expectation that they are likely to use foreign aid to directly or indirectly assist governments fighting terrorism. Nonetheless, these results do not hold for Muslim countries which do not receive increased aid when suffering from terrorism.

Armed conflict and terrorism damage economic development through disruption of economic activity, trade, and the destruction of human and physical resources. They also can affect foreign aid allocation, but the likely net effect of this is not obvious. On the one hand, donors may be discouraged and reduce aid. On the other hand, donors may provide more aid, for instance as a reimbursement for counter-terrorism efforts that benefit the donor country. This article aims to identify the net effect using data for a panel of countries. It finds that armed conflict does have a large and negative effect on bilateral and multilateral aid, but that bilateral donors seem to turn a blind eye to violence occurring in oil-exporting countries. Further, the article finds that while transnational terrorism tends to increase bilateral aid, bilateral donors seem indifferent to domestic terrorism. In contrast, multilateral aid is found not to react to transnational terrorism, but does react to domestic terrorism.

The study applies time series analysis to establish whether income-based transference of international terrorism took place in reaction to the rise of the fundamentalist-based terrorism, the end of the Cold War, 9/11, and the 2003 Iraq invasion. It introduces several extensions to an article by Enders and Sandler (2006); for instance, it uses two independent data sets and presents an alternative approach to the events in Iraq. The differences in results between this paper and Enders and Sandler (2006) are caused by the lack of consistency in employing the World Bank's income classification by the two authors. This study finds that the rise of fundamentalist terrorism brought increases across all countries, while the post-Cold War era resulted in a reduction in attacks only in high- and medium-income countries. 9/11 appeared to have had no long-lasting impact on the distribution of terrorism, while the Iraq invasion seemed to have reduced international terrorism in rich states. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractEconomic ties between countries are likely to influence the alignment of their international policies. This paper investigates whether countries' historical economic ties with the United States and their expectation of changes in future economic flows had a role in their decision to join the US-led coalition in Iraq from 2003 onwards. We use data on 115 countries over the period 2003–2009 to estimate panel random effects probit models of war coalition participation. We measure the intensity of economic ties with three variables: bilateral trade flows between the partner country and the US as well as FDI and aid flows from the US to the partner country. Our results suggest that both good trade relations prior to the conflict and the prospects of their further improvements increase the willingness of countries to join the coalition. In spite of the anecdotal evidence, we find no empirical evidence that the dependence on American FDI or aid affected countries' decision on Iraq war participation.

We assess the relationship between citizens' participation in scientific research and public trust in research results within social sciences. We conduct an online citizen science quasi-experiment concerning the delineation of metropolitan areas of Poland's two major cities. It consists of two stages. In stage one, participants in one region are exposed to citizen science and directly involved in delineating the boundaries of their local metropolitan area. In stage two, we add another region in which participants are not involved in the research process. In both regions we ask the participants to evaluate the level of their trust in the presented maps of respective metropolitan areas: based on citizen science in one region and historical data regression analysis in the other region. Our contribution to the literature lies in two areas. First, we demonstrate how citizen science can be used in urban studies to delineate boundaries of urban and metropolitan areas exhibiting strong functional connections. Second, we show that the participation of local residents in the research process increases public trust in the study results compared to non-participatory 'traditional academic' research. These results confirm that citizen science programs deserve to be strongly supported by European institutions as a possible means to resolving the credibility crisis of science, research and evidence-based policies.

Armed conflict actors frequently target civilian populations. Thus, an improved understanding of such behaviour could pave the way to reducing it. We use the Civilian Targeting Index (CTI) and a broad array of geo-referenced data to investigate the spatio-temporal and economic dynamics of civilian targeting by conflict actors in Africa. Two main insights are generated. First, the civilian targeting behaviour of African non-state conflict actors is strongly influenced by the behaviour of other proximate actors. In particular, non-state actors tend to increase their civilian targeting after nearby non-state actors have done so. Possible mechanisms to explain such spatial spillovers include emulation and retaliation. Second, a negative relationship between economic activity and civilian targeting exists and applies to both state and non-state actors. In addition, CTIs of non-state actors tend to increase with population density, the geographical spread of their conflict activity and conflict duration. State actors have higher average CTIs than non-state actors do, but the gap between the two actor types tends to close during long-duration conflicts.