Suchergebnisse

The failure of large-scale resettlement policies has been largely determined by the collective resistance of residents. For migrants who must leave their original residence and get resettled, mass media and interpersonal communication are important sources to get policy information, which affects their attitudes and responses to resettlement policies. Existing studies have provided two pathways to explain the influencing mechanism between information sources and people's collective resistance intention. One of these pathways focuses on trust in government and the other highlights perceived benefits. However, it is still unclear how to predict migrants' collective resistance intention based on different information sources within these two pathways. By concentrating on the policy domain of Chinese resettlement projects, this study aims to develop an integrated, theoretical framework to explore the causal paths between information sources and migrants' collective resistance intention. Based on a survey of three towns in Ankang, China, we tested the causal mechanism with a structural equation model. The results demonstrate that the pathway that involves trust in government is more explanatory in illustrating the causal mechanism than the pathway of perceived benefits, and interpersonal communication yields stronger effects than mass media in mitigating migrants' collective resistance intention. The implications for resettlement policy publicity and trust-building in China are discussed. Points for practitioners Public communication is a critical competency for public managers. Public managers are recommended to flexibly apply various information sources to communicate with migrants in order to eventually mitigate their collective resistance intention by strengthening their trust in government, as well as their perceived benefits. In the early stages of policy publicity, a variety of mass media are needed to inform the migrants of resettlement policies. Then, at the stage of policy implementation, the primary focus becomes interpersonal communication that offers sufficiently detailed information. In this regard, local government managers should carry out more programs that entail face-to-face information sharing to help participants understand the resettlement policy, and encourage them to explain it to their family and friends.

Background An adequate amount of prepaid resources for health is important to ensure access to health services and for the pursuit of universal health coverage. Previous studies on global health financing have described the relationship between economic development and health financing. In this study, we further explore global health financing trends and examine how the sources of funds used, types of services purchased, and development assistance for health disbursed change with economic development. We also identify countries that deviate from the trends. Methods We estimated national health spending by type of care and by source, including development assistance for health, based on a diverse set of data including programme reports, budget data, national estimates, and 964 National Health Accounts. These data represent health spending for 184 countries from 1995 through 2014. We converted these data into a common inflation-adjusted and purchasing power-adjusted currency, and used non-linear regression methods to model the relationship between health financing, time, and economic development. Findings Between 1995 and 2014, economic development was positively associated with total health spending and a shift away from a reliance on development assistance and out-of-pocket (OOP) towards government spending. The largest absolute increase in spending was in high-income countries, which increased to purchasing power-adjusted $5221 per capita based on an annual growth rate of 3.0%. The largest health spending growth rates were in upper-middle-income (5.9) and lower-middle-income groups (5.0), which both increased spending at more than 5% per year, and spent $914 and $267 per capita in 2014, respectively. Spending in low-income countries grew nearly as fast, at 4.6%, and health spending increased from $51 to $120 per capita. In 2014, 59.2% of all health spending was financed by the government, although in low-income and lower-middle-income countries, 29.1% and 58.0% of spending was OOP spending and 35.7% and 3.0% of spending was development assistance. Recent growth in development assistance for health has been tepid; between 2010 and 2016, it grew annually at 1.8%, and reached US$37.6 billion in 2016. Nonetheless, there is a great deal of variation revolving around these averages. 29 countries spend at least 50% more than expected per capita, based on their level of economic development alone, whereas 11 countries spend less than 50% their expected amount. Interpretation Health spending remains disparate, with low-income and lower-middle-income countries increasing spending in absolute terms the least, and relying heavily on OOP spending and development assistance. Moreover, tremendous variation shows that neither time nor economic development guarantee adequate prepaid health resources, which are vital for the pursuit of universal health coverage. ; Peer reviewed