Suchergebnisse

Dieses Buch vermittelt als erste politikwissenschaftliche Publikation in deutscher Sprache ein umfassendes und differenziertes Bild des politischen Systems der Philippinen. Wie kann eine junge Demokratie in einem Land bestehen, das von sozialer Ungleichheit sowie der politischen und ökonomischen Dominanz einer kleinen Elite geprägt ist? Welche Konsequenzen haben Patronage und Klientelismus für die demokratische Entwicklung der Philippinen? Diesen und weiteren Fragen wird aus der Perspektive der vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft nachgegangen. Im Kontext historischer, wirtschaftlicher und gesellschaftlicher Bezüge werden politische Strukturen, Prozesse, Akteure und Politikfelder untersucht. Der Inhalt Konzeptionelle Grundlagen • Historische Entwicklungslinien • Ökonomische und gesellschaftliche Kontextbedingungen • Verfassungsinstitutionen • Politische Parteien und Wahlsystem • Systemoppositionelle Akteure • Zivilgesellschaft • Politische Leistungsbilanz Die Zielgruppen Dozierende und Studierende der Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften • Einrichtungen der politischen Bildungsarbeit • Politische Entscheidungsträger Der Autor Prof. Dr. Howard Loewen vertritt die Professur für Politische Wissenschaft - Außereuropäische Regionen an der Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg. Darüber hinaus ist er Senior Research Fellow am Institut für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik an der Universität Hamburg

International institutions increasingly affect each other's development, maintenance and effectiveness. Research so far has merely focused on the issue of effectiveness and broader consequences. The paper argues firstly that theoretical progress could be promoted by integrating variables explaining the formation and maintenance of international institutions into a dynamic model of institutional interplay. Secondly, research ought to be extended to institutions governing issue areas like trade, finance, and security as well as their respective interactions. Thirdly, East Asia is a highly interesting region regarding regime interaction, since regional cooperation is slowly but steadily evolving in different issue areas as a reaction to institutional operations on the global level of governance. -- Institutional Interplay ; institutional interaction ; global governance ; international institutions ; Regime Theory ; international political economy ; East Asia

The political system of the Philippines has long been regarded as the most advanced democracy in Southeast Asia. This view definitely belongs to the past, however: ineffective policies, corruption, political violence, coup d'etats and popular uprisings that even topple democratically elected leaders like Estrada constantly threaten democracy in the Philippines. How can this instability be explained? This paper argues that stability is not primarily eroded by fragile political structures and institutions; it is the actors that matter in Filipino politics. Representatives of economic and political elites, the middle class and actors like the military constantly weaken the efficiency and overall legitimacy of democratic structures and processes. Yet, systemic breakdown is rather unlikely to occur due to a lean yet basic acceptance of democracy and its institutions. This especially holds true for the Supreme Court and its widely accepted judgements on the controversial cases of impeachment and tax reforms. ; The political system of the Philippines has long been regarded as the most advanced democracy in Southeast Asia. This view definitely belongs to the past, however: ineffective policies, corruption, political violence, coup d'etats and popular uprisings that even topple democratically elected leaders like Estrada constantly threaten democracy in the Philippines. How can this instability be explained? This paper argues that stability is not primarily eroded by fragile political structures and institutions; it is the actors that matter in Filipino politics. Representatives of economic and political elites, the middle class and actors like the military constantly weaken the efficiency and overall legitimacy of democratic structures and processes. Yet, systemic breakdown is rather unlikely to occur due to a lean yet basic acceptance of democracy and its institutions. This especially holds true for the Supreme Court and its widely accepted judgements on the controversial cases of impeachment and tax reforms.

This paper argues that the emergence and implementation of an international institution can only be fully understood if it is seen as part of a larger regime complex. It analyses the establishment of the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), a regional financial arrangement in East Asia, by focusing on its interplay with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It will be argued that four factors play a major role in the CMI's interactions within the financial regime complex: the lack of a clean slate, forum shopping, legal inconsistencies and the politics of implementation.

Some theorists and practitioners argue that the stability of the global trade system is endangered by trade distorting effects of regional Free Trade Agreements. Does this also hold true for interregional FTAs? Based on criteria, such as scope, rules of origin and WTO notification, it is argued here that interregional FTAs between East Asia and Latin America do not fully confirm the distortion thesis, as the positive effects of WTO-plus elements in the examined FTAs and their positive notification record to the WTO signify. Yet, overlaps between different rules of origin may lessen the multilateral effectiveness of interregional FTAs. (JCSA/GIGA)

Ende Oktober 2009 fanden in Thailand das 17. Gipfeltreffen der Asean-Staatengemeinschaft, der 12. Asean+3-Gipfel und der vierte Ostasiengipfel statt. Neben der Verab-schiedung der Asean-Menschenrechtscharta fand vor allem die Diskussion über eine Neugestaltung regionaler Kooperation in Ostasien internationales Interesse. Während der japanische Premierminister Hatoyama einer ostasiatischen Gemeinschaft das Wort redet, an der gegebenenfalls die USA beteiligt werden könnten, strebt der australische Regierungschef Rudd eine asiatisch-pazifische Gemeinschaft an, die die USA unbedingt einbeziehen müsse. Folgen diese Initiativen eher einem funktionalen bzw. pragmatischen Ansatz für einen effektiven Umgang mit regionalen Interdependenzen oder einem machtorientierten Ansatz zur Ausbalancierung von Machtungleichgewichten? Von welchen Faktoren hängt die Verwirklichung dieser Vorschläge ab? Gegenwärtig lassen die Fragen der Mitgliedschaft, der institutionellen Ausgestaltung sowie der Zielorientierung des japanischen und australischen Vorschlags genug Raum für beide Dimensionen regionaler Gemeinschaftsbildung

Some theorists and practitioners argue that the stability of the global trade system is endangered by trade distorting effects of regional Free Trade Agreements. Does this also hold true for interregional FTAs? Based on criteria, such as scope, rules of origin and WTO notification, it is argued here that interregional FTAs between East Asia and Latin America do not fully confirm the distortion thesis, as the positive effects of WTO-plus elements in the examined FTAs and their positive notification record to the WTO signify. Yet, overlaps between different rules of origin may lessen the multilateral effectiveness of interregional FTAs. Adapted from the source document.