Suchergebnisse

A Revolução portuguesa, além de uma consequência lógica dos últimos 15 anos da ditadura salazarista (guerra, migrações, urbanização, desruralização, feminização da esfera pública), deve ser lida no contexto da nova cultura política que, desde o final dos anos 1950 (emancipalismo anticolonial, Revolução cubana, 1968), deu às esquerdas um impulso que tem pouco a ver com o arranque de uma terceira vaga de democratização, como a define Samuel Huntington, e das transições negociadas e de génese liberal-democrática muito diferentes da rutura política e social que ocorreu no país. O exemplo mais estudado desta terceira vaga é o caso espanhol. Neste artigo, discuto a comparação que de forma mais ou menos sistemática se tem feito entre a Revolução portuguesa e a Transição espanhola, a primeira tomada como contramodelo positivo da segunda a partir dos argumentos binários como moderação/radicalidade, violência/reconciliação, negociação/rutura.

ES: Este artículo se encuadra en una discusión más amplia sobre las políticas de la memoria de la posdictadura salazarista en Portugal, y en estudios comparados sobre historias semejantes de violencia en Europa, especialmente las relativas al nacional-socialismo, el nazismo y el Holocausto. También se refiere a los estudios comparados sobre las dictaduras fascistas en la Península Ibérica. A pesar de la naturaleza revolucionaria y radical del proceso de democratización portugués, los estudios llevados a cabo durante las últimas cuatro décadas sobre las (re)construcciones sociales y políticas de la memoria de la dictadura portuguesa (1926-1974) demuestran que las políticas de estado han elaborado un relato de la dictadura en relación con procesos de transición a la democracia que son muy diferentes del portugués. Grupos de extrema derecha y aquéllos que se describen a sí mismos como víctimas del proceso de descolonización que tuvo lugar entre 1974 y 1975 han conseguido consolidar en el debate público unos argumentosque no deja espacio para discutir la dictadura sin relacionarla con la revolución de 1974-1975. Los términos deeste debate sugieren que estos dos procesos históricos descolonización y revolución afectaron a la sociedad de manera semejante. Este texto trata de descifrar la complejidad de estos relatos para poder cuestionar las formas democráticas que emergieron tras la revolución, y compararlas con el régimen dictatorial de Salazar. ; This article inserts itself into larger discussions regarding post-dictatorship memory politics in Portugaland comparative studies of similar histories of violence in Europe, particularly examinations of National-Socialism, Nazism and the Holocaust, as well as comparative studies of twentieth-century fascist dictatorships in the Iberian peninsula. In spite of the revolutionary, radical nature of the Portuguese democratisation process, studies conducted during the last four decades on the social and political (re)constructions of memory regarding the Portuguese dictatorship (1926-1974) have demonstrated that state policies regarding the past have depicted the dictatorship as one that is very similar to events in countries where the process of democratic transition was actually quite different from that of Portugal. Right-wing groups and those who self-describe as victims of processes of decolonisation that occurred between 1974 and 1975 have established a pattern of public debate that leaves no room for discussing the dictatorship without also referring to the 1974-1975 Revolution. This mode of debate seems to suggest that these two periods of history are indicative of a global regime phenomenon and that both the processes ofdecolonisation and revolution affected Portuguese society in similar ways. This paper attempts to complicate these narratives in order to question the democratic forms that emerged after the Revolution and to compare it to Salazars dictatorial regime.

This article inserts itself into larger discussions regarding post-dictatorship memory politics in Portugal and comparative studies of similar histories of violence in Europe, particularly examinations of National-Socialism, Nazism and the Holocaust, as well as comparative studies of twentieth-century fascist dictatorships in the Iberian peninsula. In spite of the revolutionary, radical nature of the Portuguese democratisation process, studies conducted during the last four decades on the social and political (re)constructions of memory regarding the Portuguese dictatorship (1926-1974) have demonstrated that state policies regarding the past have depicted the dictatorship as one that is very similar to events in countries where the process of democratic transition was actually quite different from that of Portugal. Right-wing groups and those who self-describe as "victims" of processes of decolonisation that occurred between 1974 and 1975 have established a pattern of public debate that leaves no room for discussing the dictatorship without also referring to the 1974-1975 Revolution. This mode of debate seems to suggest that these two periods of history are indicative of a global regime phenomenon and that both the processes of decolonisation and revolution affected Portuguese society in similar ways. This paper attempts to complicate these narratives in order to question the democratic forms that emerged after the Revolution and to compare it to Salazar's dictatorial regime. ; Este artículo se encuadra en una discusión más amplia sobre las políticas de la memoria de la posdictadura salazarista en Portugal, y en estudios comparados sobre historias semejantes de violencia en Europa, especialmente las relativas al nacional-socialismo, el nazismo y el Holocausto. También se refiere a los estudios comparados sobre las dictaduras fascistas en la Península Ibérica. A pesar de la naturaleza revolucionaria y radical del proceso de democratización portugués, los estudios llevados a cabo durante las últimas cuatro décadas sobre las (re)construcciones sociales y políticas de la memoria de la dictadura portuguesa (1926-1974) demuestran que las políticas de estado han elaborado un relato de la dictadura en relación con procesos de transición a la democracia que son muy diferentes del portugués. Grupos de extrema derecha y aquéllos que se describen a sí mismos como "víctimas" del proceso de descolonización que tuvo lugar entre 1974 y 1975 han conseguido consolidar en el debate público unos argumentos que no deja espacio para discutir la dictadura sin relacionarla con la revolución de 1974-1975. Los términos de este debate sugieren que estos dos procesos históricos – descolonización y revolución – afectaron a la sociedad de manera semejante. Este texto trata de descifrar la complejidad de estos relatos para poder cuestionar las formas democráticas que emergieron tras la revolución, y compararlas con el régimen dictatorial de Salazar.

La crisis de los sistemas liberales ibéricos en la Europa de entreguerras es especialmente interesante por el papel específico que ocupa en ella el componente católico de laidentidad y de las coaliciones que sostuvieron los dos regímenes autoritarios. El catolicismo político tuvo un papel muy relevante en el proceso de modernización de las derechas españolas y portuguesas de la primera posguerra. Salazar y Franco presentaron los regímenes que ellosmismos construyeron y sobre los que gobernaron como siendo intrínsicamente católicos, y los católicos fueron actoresprincipales de las coaliciones políticas y sociales que sostuvieron ambos dictadores. En su lucha contra la Primera República Portuguesa (1910-26) y la Segunda República Española (1931-39), las fuerzas políticas conservadoras y de extrema derecha concedieron un papel estratégico a los católicos politicamente organizados en lo que se refiere a la movilización de las masas y en la constitución de un amplia coalición que pudiese crear una alternativa sólida a la democracia liberal y a un movimento obrero cada día más fuerte. En los años centrales de la «Era del Fascismo», las derechas católicas ibéricas y la jerarquía de la Iglesia sancionaron un giro muy notorio hacia una lectura crecientemente fascistizada del contexto político europeo posterior a la Revolución Soviética.The crisis of the Iberian liberal systems in inter-war Europe is especially interesting to study because of the specific role ofthe Catholic component of both the sustaining political coalition and the identity of these two of the European 20th century authoritarian regimes. Political Catholicism was a major actor in the modernisation process of Spanish and Portuguese post-World War I rightwing movements. Salazar and Franco presented the regimes they built up and ruled upon as being intrinsically catholic, and Catholics were major partners in the political and social coalitions supporting both dictators. In their struggle against the Portuguese First Republic (1910-26) and the Spanish Second Republic (1931-39), conservative and extreme-right forces conceded to politically organised Catholics a strategic role in mass mobilisation and in assembling a wide coalition who could create a solid alternative to Liberal-Democracy and a growingly strong working-class movement. During the central years of the "Age of Fascism", Iberian right-wing Catholics and the Church hierarchy endorsed a very noticeable swing towards a growingly fascistised interpretation of the European political context of post-Soviet Revolution.

Reading the 1950's and, mostly, the 1960's as an historical cycle of structural and speedy change in Portuguese society, a time of real industrial revolution together with rural exodus, massive emigration and growing politicization as consequence of the Colonial War (1961-74), Marcelism emerges as the last chance of the Portuguese dictatorship to control a modernization and massification process which had become clearly inevitable. The interpretation I am proposing does not perceive Marcelism as an autonomous object of analysis, but integrates it in a period running from the 1958-62 crisis of Salazarism until the final breakdown, in 1974, of the regime. This may be read as an historical cycle of fast (although it can be perceived as slow as far as the political events are concerned) materialization of the social and economic change which provided, in 1974, the inexorableness of the democratic rupture. In other words, I am not proposing to underline Marcelism's role in recent Portuguese History as an impulse for change, but merely as a transitional period, clearly assimilated in a wider period which, from my point of view, began in 1958, ten years before Caetano got back to power, the moment in which, in fact, Salazar interrupted his short political experience as heir-to-be of the dictator.

Al interpretar los años '50 y, sobre todo, los '60 como un ciclo de cambio estructural muy rápido en la sociedad portuguesa, años en los que una verdadera revolución industrial se desarrolla a par del éxodo rural, la emigración masiva y la politización creciente en consecuencia de la Guerra Colonial (1961-74), el marcelismo nos aparece como la última oportunidad de la dictadura portuguesa ante un proceso de modernización y masificación de la sociedad que tenía mucho de inevitable.Reading the 1950's and, mostly, the 1960's as an historical cycle of structural and speedy change in Portuguese society, a time of real industrial revolution together with rural exodus, massive emigration and growing politicization as consequence of the Colonial War (1961-74), Marcelism emerges as the last chance of the Portuguese dictatorship to control a modernization and massification process which had become clearly inevitable.

urpose: To investigate how EU related contents are represented in Portuguese upper secondary school textbooks of History and English as a Foreign Language (EFL).Design/methodology/approach: The study performs a textbook analysis on two History textbooks and three EFL textbooks to explore if and how EU related topics are addressed. The methodological approach was mainly qualitative, based on a content analysis of the textbooks, but also includes some quantitative data (e.g., number of paragraphs) to determine the importance given to European topics in each of the selected school subjects.Findings: EFL textbooks have a residual approach to EU topics that is mainly focused in students' mobility. History textbooks, while containing a significant amount of information about the EU, present it mainly in a non-confrontational perspective and do not prioritize the development of students' critical thinking about the EU. Our data also points to a predominance of national level citizenship related content, with European citizenship being briefly and normatively presented to the students.Research limitations/implications: EFL is attended by almost 100% of students in the academic track of secondary education, but History is a curricular subject only available to 25-30% of the students; as such, our findings refer to a specific group.Practical implications: Textbooks should include more information about the actual problems and challenges of the EU to foster the development of students' critical thinking about the EU.

Purpose: To investigate how EU related contents are represented in Portuguese upper secondary school textbooks of History and English as a Foreign Language (EFL).Design/methodology/approach: The study performs a textbook analysis on two History textbooks and three EFL textbooks to explore if and how EU related topics are addressed. The methodological approach was mainly qualitative, based on a content analysis of the textbooks, but also includes some quantitative data (e.g., number of paragraphs) to determine the importance given to European topics in each of the selected school subjects.Findings: EFL textbooks have a residual approach to EU topics that is mainly focused in students' mobility. History textbooks, while containing a significant amount of information about the EU, present it mainly in a non-confrontational perspective and do not prioritize the development of students' critical thinking about the EU. Our data also points to a predominance of national level citizenship related content, with European citizenship being briefly and normatively presented to the students.Research limitations/implications: EFL is attended by almost 100% of students in the academic track of secondary education, but History is a curricular subject only available to 25-30% of the students; as such, our findings refer to a specific group.Practical implications: Textbooks should include more information about the actual problems and challenges of the EU to foster the development of students' critical thinking about the EU.