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China's ability to regulate and control the situation in the ideological sphere has increased markedly during the recent decade. At the same time, Chinese society is becoming more and more diverse, which makes social thought more and more heterogeneous. The article focuses on the changes that have taken place in relations between the ideology of CPC and non-official trends of thought. Through publications of Chinese researchers the article analyzes the key aspects of the CPC policy aimed at strengthening the leadership of the official ideology and preventing radicalization of public sentiment. In China experts are especially concerned about the ability of non-mainstream ideas to challenge the "national ideological security". The increase in the influence of official ideology led to weakening of neo-liberalism, universal values, and historical nihilism. However, the mode of interaction between the official ideology of the CPC and other ideological currents cannot be reduced to confrontation between "Chinese authoritarianism" and "Western liberalism". The full picture can be seen only by taking into account the complex relationship of Party ideology with the diverse ideas of the "gray" zone. Intense debates in China are focused on trends that have no clear theoretical basis and political orientation, but are capable to mobilize masses and radicalize public sentiment. The authorities search for optimal response to outbursts of radical Internet-populism while seeking to put nationalism and consumerism into reasonable limits. The reaction of Chinese society to the coronavirus epidemic has demonstrated that at a time of crisis and decrease in people's confidence in the effectiveness of the work of the state there was an explosive growth of pro-Western and populist sentiments. The task of combining the leading role of the normative ideology of the CPC with the diversity of social ideas will remain relevant over a long time.

Mainland China's policy towards Taiwan demonstrates a high degree of continuity. As new problems arise, new priorities are put forward. During Xi Jinping's tenure as China's leader, the goal of reunifying the country has been proclaimed a necessary component of the national revival, while the search for a Taiwanese version of the "one country, two systems" model has been launched and the approach to independence supporters has become markedly tougher. Mainland China's past hopes to achieve reunification primarily through Beijing's material strength and prospects for economic integration are facing unforeseen obstacles, while political and cultural issues are becoming increasingly important. The reunification scenarios offered to Taiwan are increasingly rigid and are reduced to a choice between retaining limited powers in the case of a peaceful scenario or losing even those powers if military force is applied. Chinese experts continue to look for ways to facilitate rapprochement between the mainland's and Taiwan's societies to win over supporters of unification and to attract a wide range of opponents of independence. Meanwhile, Beijing is seriously concerned about the ongoing "de-Sinicization" of the Taiwanese identity. Mainland China has not yet learned how to project the Chinese cultural tradition outward, and its efforts to achieve social integration of Taiwan continue to focus on material incentives. Experts from the mainland China increasingly agree that Beijing's old instruments of non-conflict rapprochement with the island are rapidly losing their effectiveness, while new mechanisms are slow to emerge. Mainland China's politicians and experts are concerned about the prospect of irreversible changes in the identity of the island's inhabitants and believe that it is unacceptable to postpone the reunification endlessly. 从统一到民族复兴：当前中国看待台湾问题的视角 中国政府对台政策具有高度连续性。随着形势的变化，中国政府对台政策有了新的首要目标。习近平执政后，国家统一上升为民族复兴的必要组成部分，同时开始积极探索"一国两制"的台湾方案，对台独支持者的态度明显变得更加强硬。中国大陆曾希望依靠物质实力和经济一体化促进两岸统一，现在这一可能面临难以预知的困难，而政治和文化问题变得越来越重要。大陆提供给台湾的统一方案越来越严格，其实质在于，在和平统一情况下，台湾当局可保留有限权力，而通过武力统一后，台湾将不会再拥有这些权力，台湾当局需在两者之间做出选择。中国专家学者继续寻求大陆与台湾社会和解的方式，以赢得统一派之心并吸引广泛的台独反对者。与此同时，北京对台湾岛内人群身份认同的持续"去中国化"深感震惊。中国大陆尚未学会如何将中国文化传统向外传播，其融入台湾社会的努力仍然继续集中在物质激励上。越来越多的中国专家认为，大陆使用的与该岛建立非冲突和解的旧工具正在迅速失效，而新机制的建立滞后。中国大陆的政界人士和专家学者担心岛内居民的身份认同可能发生不可逆转的变化，所以认为无休止地推迟两岸统一是不可接受的。

The article examines the key stages in the evolution of the ideological and political approaches of the CPC leadership to religious activity since the beginning of the 21st century. The main points of the study were the Chinese interpretations of the problems of "adaptation to a socialist society" and "Sinicization." The author tries to identify the relationship between continuity and innovation in the religious policy of the Chinese authorities, taking into account the historical context of the ongoing changes and responses from religious circles. Based on the methods of discourse analysis, an attempt has been made to demonstrate multi-faceted complexity of the problem of "Sinicization" and to outline the contours of all-embracing balanced approach to the study of this topic. The fi rst part of the article examines the foundations of the policy of directing religion towards "conformity to socialist society" formulated under Jiang Zemin. The second part analyzes the main components of Xi Jinping's concept of "Sinicization" of religions. Chinese believers are encouraged to interpret religious dogmas in accordance with the requirements of social progress and in the spirit of conformity with the best traditions of Chinese culture. The article examines the main directions of "Sinicization" adopted by offi cially recognized religions, covering the spheres of doctrine and liturgical practice, practical work with believers, and training programs for clergy. It is emphasized that the one-sided reduction of "Sinicization" to the state-sponsored policy of "repression" prevents researchers from looking deeper into historical and cultural aspects of the problem. It is concluded that "Sinicization" of religions will help to prevent socio-political marginalization of religions in the course of deep transformations of modern China.

After a look at the different stages in the development of Confucian philosophy, the author discusses the rise of post-Confucianism in China, its continuation in Taiwan and Hong Kong, the publication in 1958 of "the Manifesto of Chinese culture to the people of the world" as a major event in the emergence of emigre post-Confucianism in Taiwan and Hong Kong and views of different thinkers on post-Confucianism. (DÜI-Sen)

The concept of "Chinese-style modernization" formulated in the end of the 1970s has been at the center of attention of the Chinese leadership and researchers since the beginning of this decade. The notion of primacy of national characteristics was transformed from a former reference to China's weakness and backwardness to current focus on development success. Explanations of plans for China's "basic socialist modernization" by 2035 formed the channel of influence of official policy on the academic discussions. The article analyzes contemporary Chinese comparisons of Chinese and Western paths of modernization along with theoretical reflections on the patterns of "Chinese-style modernization". The determination to make China's experience a reference point for policy decisions in developing countries is connected with studies in modernization theory. The question of the correlation between the general patterns of modernization and the specifics of the Chinese path of development has come to the fore. The emphasis on the differences between Chinese-style modernization and Western and Soviet models substantiates the theoretical possibility of a new development perspective for other countries, and encourages them to develop independent modernization strategies based on their own national specifics. Chinese researchers consider attempts by backward countries to copy the advanced institutions of developed nations as useless and even dangerous. China's modernization is not complete, in the field of economic development there are mounting difficulties related to lagging behind in science and technology, deteriorating external environment, slowing growth, ageing population. While examining Chinese studies of Chinese-style modernization, it is appropriate to focus on the development of academic concepts, quantitative evaluation system and discursive system. Explorations in theory will be determined by practical achievements, first of all, by China's ability to maintain sustainable balanced growth of the economy. The preliminary outcome can be assessed in the middle of the next decade, when China plans to build the foundations of modernization. The final judgement on the effectiveness of Chinese-style modernization will be made only after the results of China's plans to become a world leader are known in the middle of this century.

The article is focused on the evolution of the approaches of the Communist Party of China's leadership to the Soviet model; it analyzes changing accents in its understanding that dominated in different periods, and the normative conclusions made from critical understanding of the Soviet experience. In 1956, Mao Zedong called to "take the USSR as a mirror" and underscored the importance of national specifics in modernization process. Since the late 1970s, Deng Xiaoping considered the Soviet model completely outdated and ineligible to any improvement, his reforms policy excluded any possibility of China's return to the Soviet patterns. He solved the task of taking lesson from the "Soviet warning" in economy by abandoning high centralization and rigid planning. Since the 1990s, the themes of stability of party power, amassing public support, and ability of the ruling party to respond decisively to serious crises, occupied an increasingly prominent place in the Chinese debates on the Soviet lessons. Under Xi Jinping, the attention focused on the influences of the loss of political convictions by the party members and of the spread of "historical nihilism" on the collapse of the USSR and the downfall of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The focus in rethinking of the Soviet model shifted to the spheres of control over administrative power, institutionalization of rights, fight against corruption, modernization of the governance system. The chain of continuity of China's development course is built around the theses about the priority of national specifics and a critical attitude towards foreign experience. It is concluded that during the period of reforms, the development of market economy in China went far beyond the original framework of Soviet centralized planned economy. In the political sphere, Soviet lessons keep their relevance and serve as a justification for the course of strengthening the ideological cohesion of the ruling party.