L'article pose le problème des relations culturelles entre le Fujian et les Chinois d'Insulinde à la fin du XVIIe siècle, à un moment où les contacts entre la Chine et les Mers du Sud se redéployent après une période durant laquelle le commerce privé dans cette zone avait été prohibé et la population côtière contrainte à se replier à l'intérieur des terres. Dans un premier temps est envisagée la vie socioreligieuse des Chinois d'Insulinde. Il apparaît que malgré des pressions politiques diverses, les émigrés avaient plutôt tendance à conserver leurs croyances et à créer sur place, selon le procédé dit de la «division de l'encens et du feu (ou des lampes)», des sanctuaires où honorer des divinités importées de la mère-patrie. Dans un deuxième temps, l'article traite du sentiment de ces Chinois d'Insulinde pour leur pays natal, tel qu'il est reflété par le fait que les plus riches d'entre eux se cotisèrent pour restaurer deux temples dilapidés et firent graver des inscriptions commémoratives dans lesquelles ils s'identifièrent comme une élite de la diaspora; une telle audace fut, semble-t-il, rapidement découragée par les autorités et ne réapparaîtra qu'au cours du XIXe siècle, lorsque la politique à l'égard des émigrés aura changé.
Claudine Salmon L'histoire de la famille Han de Lasem/Surabaya est inséparable de celle de la mise en valeur du Oost Hoek depuis le milieu du XVIIIe s. Le rachat des grands domaines chinois de Besuki et de Probolinggo par Raffles en 1813 n'allait pas signifier pour autant la fin des entreprises Han dans la région. On les voit développer l'industrie du sucre au sud de Surabaya et dans la région de Pasuruan et de Probolinggo. Il est plus difficile de suivre leurs traces à Besuki du fait que cette résidence n'a pas connu un grand essor après son retour dans le patrimoine d'État. Pourtant un roman sino-malais de 1910, écrit par Tjoa Boe Sing, alors marchand à Besuki, raconte non sans talent, les aventures de Han Khing Boe, «le petit fils de Han Chan Piet», sur son domaine de Sekarungu dans la résidence de Besuki. L'histoire se passe avant la suppression des fermes de l'opium, sans doute autour des années 1880. Il semble que l'auteur ait volontairement maquillé la localisation de ce domaine, qu'il situe dans un sous-district imaginaire. Le roman évoque fort bien la micro société vivant sur le domaine et ses liens avec le monde extérieur : fermier de l'opium, immigrants chinois, Madurais, brigands, trafiquants d'opium et pouvoir colonial. Le rôle des femmes javanaises apparaît en contrepoint dans les relations amoureuses. On n'a pas retrouvé de petit-fils de Han Chan Piet nommé Han Khing Boe dans la généalogie de la famille Han de Surabaya. Toutefois, il y a lieu de penser que Tjoa Boe Sing ne fait que réécrire ici des faits qui lui ont été rapportés oralement, en ajoutant sa propre interprétation et en montrant Han Khing Boe comme un héros capable d'éliminer le chef de la contrebande et de restaurer la paix sur son domaine.
Claudine Salmon Through the Treaty of Nanking (1842), Britain obtained permission to trade at five "treaty ports" in China. In the following year, the USA and France decided to negotiate directly with the Manchus. The French Government appointed Théodore de Lagrené as plenipotentiary minister to sign the Treaty of Whampoa (1844). His mission was accompanied by a commercial delegation, the task of which was to investigate the commerce and the various textile industries in China and in all the countries in which the mission made a stopover. When he was in Macao and Canton, Isidore Hedde, who was especially in charge of the silk industry, observed the local craftsmen who produced export paintings; he and his colleagues decided to commission some of them to paint series depicting various industries and handcrafts, among them the silk and cotton industries. Highly satisfied with the results they obtained, while visiting Insulinde, they also looked for painters. In Manila they found Antonio D. [Malantie], whom they entrusted with the task of painting the abaca and pina textile production. The twelve watercolours he produced are now kept at the Cabinet des Estampes of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Nothing is known about the painter, but judging from the style of his paintings, one may assume that he was a Chinese Filipino.
Claudine Salmon Based essentially on sources emanating from the Chinese world, this article attempts to provide an overview of the Persian merchants who visited the various harbours of South China through the ages. The archaeological finds of the last decades show that sporadic relations between South China and the Persian world occurred before the coming of Islam and they would deserve to be analysed in the light of the difficulties encountered by merchants following the northern road. From the Tang onwards, thanks to various factors in China proper as well as in the Persian Golf, the maritime trade with the Muslim world developed tremendously. It even intensified during the second half of the 8th century in connection with the set-back of China in Transoxiana and in the area of Kashgar on the one hand, and with the foundation of the capital of the Abassids in Bagdad in 762 and the rise of maritime trade in the harbour of Bassora on the other. For the first time we clearly perceive in written sources the formation of Arabo-Persian communities in various harbours of South China, among others Canton and Yangzhou. With the fall of Kaifeng in 1126, the Song Dynasty lost its access to Central Asia; after the establishment of the new capital in Hangzhou the dynasty launched a new policy that was oriented towards maritime trade. For different reasons the Mongols developed a similar policy, relying extensively on Persians and other Muslims for commercial as well as administrative purposes. Thanks to this policy the Persians could control the economic life of the harbour of Quanzhou. Similarly, various measures taken by the new Ming Dynasty caused the decline of these Arabo-Persian communities in South China. If the Chinese sources are silent regarding the economic life of these communities, they nevertheless allow us to gain interesting insights into their social life and the way they gradually became integrated into the local society.
Claudine Salmon L'histoire du gong et de sa diffusion en Asie en général et en Insulinde en particulier reste encore très mal connue. Dans un travail récent, Inge Skog concluait qu'il y a très peu d'information sur cet instrument de musique à Java avant le XIVe siècle. Or, la mise au jour d'un «gong militaire» pourvu d'une inscription chinoise datée des Song du Sud (1231) à l'intérieur du complexe d'un temple apparemment bouddhique de Muara Jambi fait remonter l'introduction de l'instrument plus loin dans le temps. Cette découverte assez extraordinaire - à notre connaissance, aucun autre gong daté n'a été retrouvé en Chine même pour les hautes époques - a permis de reconsidérer l'histoire de cet instrument dans un contexte géographique allant de la Chine à l'Insulinde. L'article envisage successivement le cadre et les circonstances de la découverte qui remonte au début des années 1980, le gong lui-même d'un point de vue technique, en le comparant aux plus anciens gongs retrouvés en Chine mais aussi dans des épaves de bateaux d'Insulinde, sa technique de fabrication, et l'usage de l'instrument dans la Chine des Song; enfin l'inscription elle même, son interprétation et les hypothèses concernant le lieu où le préfet, qui est à l'origine de l'inscription et du don, a pu être en poste - en Chine ou à Srivijaya - et, par voie de conséquence, sur les liens entre ces deux pays.
Claudine Salmon During the last decades several studies that were aimed at analysing the relations between Srivijaya and China, and more especially the tributary missions, have appeared. More recently the emphasis has been placed on the images of Srivijaya in the Chinese sources of the 13th and 14th centuries. In this paper we intend to reappraise the Srivijayan tributary missions to China, as reflected in the Chinese sources of the time. In so doing, we try to cast some lights on the rather complex relations between the two countries, as seen at the cultural and economic levels and to emphasise the subtile part played by the merchants of Chinese origin at the court of Srivijaya. These merchants who were commuting between Sumatra and South China, and who apparently mastered the cultures of the two States, were in fact the real carriers of the Srivijayan diplomacy towards the Song. On the one hand, they elaborated a sophisticated religious schemes - such as construction of a Buddhist temple in honor of Emperor Zhenzong in Srivijaya, repair of an Imperial sanctuary in Canton, etc. - that were aimed to please the Chinese emperors who in turn provided them with trade facilities. On the other hand, they acted on behalf of the rulers of Srivijaya, whose personalities remain shadowy in the Chinese sources, but who apparently contented themselves with the benefits they received in return. Worth noting is the fact that for the Song period there already existed a merchant community, engaged in commerce on an international scale. And depending on the needs of the day, these merchants acted in the name of one State or of the other. This may explain why the Song sources easily "confuse" the ethnic origins of these merchants. One may infer from this that during the Song a socio-economic model of the kind well known in later periods already existed.
Claudine Salmon Tan Hoe Lo was a Peranakan merchant born in Batavia (about whom we know very little). He came to Paris in the company of a Dutch family (Mr. and Mrs. Zadelhof) to visit the Universal Exposition of 1889. He wrote several reportages in Malay, which were published in the local press of the Dutch Indies (both in Batavia and Surabaya). We provide here an annotated translation of his reportages, which are among some of the first of the kind to appear in Southeast Asia about Europe. They reveal an undeniable fascination for the topic of « modernity » and the author specifically lists a series of « technical advances » that needed to be transferred to Java. Tan Hoe Lo describes in detail several of the Exposition's pavilions, the Annamese theatre and rickshaws (which he took for «Siamese» ...), as well as his climb up the Eiffel Tower. In addition, he tells of his visit to Napoleon's tomb at the Invalides, as well as a trip to the Folies Bergère.
Claudine Salmon Although a large body of literature has been produced on the Chinese of Java, there are very few studies of the history of their various settlements. We present here a detailed study of the Chinese community of Surabaya whose historical development appears to be specific to East Java. In the first part, we discuss the sources concerning the beginnings of the community and briefly allude to an early Islamisation process which allowed the settlers to intermingle with local society. In the second part, we single out three big Peranakan families (the Han, the Tjoa and the The), whose history (which lasts from the end of the 17th or the beginning of the 18th century to the early 1930s) may be regarded as representative of the different ways the Chinese and their descendants adapted themselves to the host society. In the third part, we put the attempts of the community to re-establish its Chinese roots into relation with political issues on the Mainland and in Java. The first attempt started in Surabaya in 1864 with the foundation of the Hokkien Kong Tik Soe or "Temple of the Merits of Fujian", which was aimed at reviving Chinese funeral and marriage customs and curbing the process of Islamisation. The second attempt, much broader in scope, was aimed at promoting Chinese education by the foundation of various private schools (one of them, the Hoo Tjiong Hak Tong, 1903, was closely linked with Mainland revolutionnaries), reviving Confucianism as a reaction against Westernization (foundation of a temple dedicated to Confucius in 1898), establishment of a Chinese Chamber of Commerce (1906) intended to help the local Chinese merchants to promote their enterprises both in the South Seas and in China. Since the last decades of the 19th century there has been a continuous stream of migrations from the Mainland that gradually modified the social and economic structure of the Chinese community and finally caused it to split up. In the fourth part we deal with the Totok (or newcomers) who started to organise themselves into a great number of smaller associations (on the basis of geography, profession or lineal descent) ; we also pay attention to the Peranakan who resented the competition of the newcomers decided to struggle separately. This restructuration was disrupted by the recession of the 1920s, the depression of 1930, which affected the Chinese of Java and especially of Surabaya, and was finally stopped with the occupation of the Dutch Indies by the Japanese. The conclusion suggests that since Independence, the history of the Indonesians of Chinese descent in Surabaya cannot be dissociated from that of the city as a whole.
