Suchergebnisse

Abstract
An increasing wave of « green capitalism » (Alper, 1993; Barron, 2005) undermines both environmental sustainability and democratic engagement worldwide: the forestry sector stands as a perfect example. Indeed, « green » policies like redd+ programmes and protected areas, often curb bottom-up participation and reduce forests' multiple functions to the economic interests of few, contrarily to what the discourse on Sustainability calls for.
This paper aims to develop an alternative proposal for a multi-stakeholder model for forest governance that overcomes the public v. private dichotomy (Ostrom, 2010) and constitutes a tool for a broader approach to sustainability. By linking the discourse on the commons (Arnold, 1998; Agrawal & Ostrom, 1999; Hardin, 1968; Dietz, Ostrom and Stern, 2003; Dolsak, Ostrom & McKay, 2003; Ellickinson, 1993; Ostrom, 1990, 1999, 2005, 2010; Ostrom, Gardner and Walker, 1994; Ostrom&Ostrom, 1977) with the discourse on justice (Rawls, 1971; Sen, 1980, 1999, 2009; Anderson, 1999, 2010; Goodin, 1988), I construct an argument for a two-level social contract. Forest-dependent Indigenous communities are entitled with quasi-property rights as part of their capabilities set, so they may become trustees of the global forests. Evidences about the Yanesha peoples in Perù and the Binh Son villagers in Vietnam back up the argument that communities can establish micro-social conventions as a response to lands' occupation and forests' degradation.
This framework is aimed at both policy-makers and civil society to (i) justify and design decision- and policy-making and (ii) evaluate existing policies. Implementing it requires a paradigm shift from State-centred and neoliberal agenda towards innovative solutions in the name of sustainability and global justice.

This article studies the Italian contribution to shaping the ideas and practices of development in the 1950s and early 1960s, when Italy changed from a case study for social scientists dealing with the problems of development into a model, and finally into a reluctant donor to less developed countries. It describes Italian thinking regarding economic and social development in the underdeveloped areas of the South. It also discusses the effectiveness of expert networks in promoting the Mezzogiorno as a case study of development practices in the 1950s. It then focuses on development aid to Somalia and shows how this could hardly be construed as a replication of the Mezzogiorno model in an underdeveloped post-colonial setting. Finally, through an analysis of Italian strategy within the DAC, the Development Assistance Committee of the OECD, it argues that the Italian authorities were incapable of building on Italy's economic miracle or making any significant contribution to Western development aid, squandering the trust acquired throughout the 1950s.

Discusses reasons why Italy decided not to accede to the Geneva Convention for the establishment of an international criminal court to try persons accused of acts of terrorism, opened for signature at the League of Nations, Nov. 16, 1937. Summary in English. Includes text of the Convention which was not signed and ratified by enough countries to permit its entry into force.

Studies programs implemented in 1945 to provide aid for returning survivors of the Holocaust; how a sincere willingness to make amends developed into an attempt to forcibly integrate German Jews into the communist societal structure and ended in intolerance and oppression. Summary in Italian.