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This Element argues that although Kant's political thought does not tackle issues of global poverty and inequality head on, it nonetheless offers important conceptual and normative resources to think of our global socioeconomic duties. It delves into the Kantian duty to enter a rightful condition beyond the state and shows that a proper understanding of this duty not only leads us to acknowledge a duty of right to assist states that are unable to fulfil the core functions of a state, but also provides valuable hints at what just transnational trade relations and a just regulation of immigration should look like.

Abstract
This article examines Risse and Wollner's discussion and rejection of several strategies a) in favour of developed countries subsidising their producers, and b) against the relocation of firms operating on their territory. It argues that their critical review of these strategies remains incomplete and therefore not decisive. It starts by bringing into relief two blind spots in their moral assessment of subsidies. The first concerns the imperfect nature of the general duties of global justice they focus on; the second concerns their understanding of the relation between these duties and duties of social justice. While addressing these two difficulties, it presents another possible strategy in support of subsidies, which Risse and Wollner fail to examine: the 'equal citizenship' strategy. This strategy is mobilised again in an assessment of Risse and Wollner's treatment of relocations. In this context, some doubts are raised about the remedy Risse and Wollner prescribe to overcome both social injustices and exploitative relocations ― namely, the domestic redistribution by governments of the gains of international trade. It is argued that such a redistribution is both insufficient to combat social exclusion and threatened by the very practice of trade liberalisation that Risse and Wollner seek to defend.

The general aim of this paper is to elucidate Kant's juridical understanding of the duty not to lie and to situate it within his account of 'The right of a state' and of 'The right of nations'. The first section will introduce the distinction Kant draws between two senses in which a liar can be said to wrong another, namely, 'materially' and 'formally'. The second section will be devoted to clarifying what Kant means by a 'formal wrong' (or a 'wrong in general'), by focusing on his use of this concept in the context of international relations. The third section will examine why a liar can be said to always do wrong 'formally'. And the fourth section will show that what holds for individuals also holds for states in their mutual relationships: they are never to deceive one another, not even when innocent lives are at stake, because doing so would 'subvert the right of human beings as such'. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

The general aim of this paper is to elucidate Kant's juridical understanding of the duty not to lie and to situate it within his account of 'The right of a state' and of 'The right of nations'. The first section will introduce the distinction Kant draws between two senses in which a liar can be said to wrong another, namely, 'materially' and 'formally'. The second section will be devoted to clarifying what Kant means by a 'formal wrong' (or a 'wrong in general'), by focusing on his use of this concept in the context of international relations. The third section will examine why a liar can be said to always do wrong 'formally'. And the fourth section will show that what holds for individuals also holds for states in their mutual relationships: they are never to deceive one another, not even when innocent lives are at stake, because doing so would 'subvert the right of human beings as such'.

AbstractThis paper aims to show that fairness in trade calls for relaxing existing WTO rules to include a greater liberalisation of labour migration. After having addressed several objections to global egalitarianism, it will argue, first, that the world's rich and the world's poor participate in a same multilateral trading system whose point is primarily to reduce trade barriers, and hence to establish global economic competitions, in order to raise their standards of living; second, that these competitions are subject to requirements of formal and substantive fairness; and, third, that the substantive fairness of the competitions that are taking place in the field of trade in goods is likely to require a greater liberalisation of labour migration, especially low-skilled labour from developing countries.