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"This book argues that any institution that can efficiently solve the problems of collective action and accountability is able to uphold quality governance in local communities, regardless of their nature and origins. The respective performance of different types of institutions, however, is contingent upon the characteristics of the social environment in which they are embedded. Such social environment characteristics are, in turn, closely shaped by the structural features of the local communities. This book further argues that, among a variety of factors that might have contributed to the structural transformation of rural communities, the most salient is a major phenomenon witnessed in many developing countries: rural-urban migration. More specifically, in local communities with distinct levels of outward migration, community members' contextualized choices between indigenous relation-based and imposed rule-based institutions for local governance issues are likely to unfold in different ways. This generates distinct dynamics of institutional change in these communities with varying communal structures. This is the first book that uses a coherent framework to simultaneously examine various aspects of rural China's governance (including public goods provision, conflict resolution, disaster and crisis relief, and raising modest credit and small loans) and covers both formal and informal institutions"--

After decades of continuous investment and efforts, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has established a multi-tiered system, including co-option, surveillance and monitoring, and ideological and political education, to ensure its domination of Chinese college students, For the foreseeable future, Chinese college students, as a group, are unlikely to actively mount significant challenges (like those of the 1989 incident) against the CCP that could undermine its political survival.

Building on contemporary research on social cognition and psychology, trust, political representation and accountability, and candidate evaluation, this article proposes to decompose political trust into two cognitively distinct but related components for examination: competence versus intention evaluations. This article further argues that people's evaluations of their government's competence and intention in governance can have distinct bases due to the varying accessibility of pertinent information. Using valid instruments from a unique sampling survey in two Chinese cities in 2005, this article tests the validity of this cognitive scheme. Empirical evidence shows that (1) the surveyed Chinese urban residents effectively differentiated between their central government's competence and intention in governance: on average, they had a quite positive assessment of the central government's intention to serve its people, despite their relatively pessimistic views of its competence to deliver good governance; (2) the Chinese urbanites did consult different sources of information and heuristics when evaluating their central government's competence and intention, respectively. Adapted from the source document.

Using complementary information from two national surveys conducted in 2008, i.e. the China Survey and the ABS II Mainland China Survey, this paper presents a comprehensive picture of the media channels that Chinese citizens use for political information, as well as their relative importance as assessed by the Chinese people. Moreover, assisted by multiple regressions, this paper also identifies which groups of Chinese are more likely to use each of these channels for political information. This paper contributes to our understanding on (1) the relative significance of various media channels in contemporary China's political communication; and (2) how Chinese citizens select themselves into specific channels for political information, given their increasing autonomy in acquiring such information from China's changing media. (J Contemp China/GIGA)