Suchergebnisse

1. Constructivist conceptualization of national interest and identity -- 2. Historical context -- 3. China-India relations in the 21st century -- 4. National interest and identity of china -- 5. National interest and identity of India -- 6. China's India policy -- 7. India's China policy.

IntroductionSharing aggregated electronic health records (EHRs) for integrated health care and public health studies is increasingly demanded. Patient privacy demands that anonymisation procedures are in place for data sharing.
ObjectiveTraditional methods such as k-anonymity and its derivations are often overgeneralising resulting in lower data accuracy. To tackle this issue, we proposed the Semantic Linkage K-Anonymity (SLKA) approach to balance the privacy and utility preservation through detecting risky combinations hidden in the record linkage releases.
ApproachK-anonymity processing quasi-identifiers of data may lead to 'over generalisation' when dealing with linkage data sets. As most linkage cases do not include all local patients and thus not all modifying data for privacy-preserving purposes needs to be used, we proposed the linkage k-anonymity (LKA) by which only obfuscated individuals in a released linkage set are required to be indistinguishable from at least k-1 other individuals in the local dataset. Considering the inference disclosure issue, we further designed the semantic-based linkage k-anonymity (SLKA) method through extending with a semantic-rule base for automatic detection of (and ruling out) risky associations from previous linked data releases. Specially, associations identified from the "previous releases" of the linkage dataset can become the input of semantic reasoning for the "next release".
ResultsThe approach is evaluated based on a linkage scenario where researchers apply to link data from an Australia-wide national type-1 diabetes platform with survey results from 25,000+ Victorians about their health and wellbeing. In comparing the information loss of three methods, we find that extra cost can be incurred in SLKA for dealing with risky individuals, e.g., 13.7% vs 5.9% (LKA, k=4) however it performs much better than k-anonymity, which can cause 24% information loss (k=4). Besides, the k values can affect the level of distortion in SLKA, such as 11.5% (k=2) vs 12.9% (k=3).
ConclusionThe SLKA framework provides dynamic protection for repeated linkage releases while preserving data utility by avoiding unnecessary generalisation as typified by k-anonymity.

The new media with powerful communication function has a profound influence on the development of the society, and at the same time brings a new situation to the ideological and political education of college students. On the one hand, the new media provides more abundant resources and broader platform for ideological and political education of college students; On the other hand, the intermingled mass of information on the Internet seriously affects and interferes with that. Therefore, to make the traditional ideological and political education conform to the trend of the times and to innovate it effectively and practically is an important issue worthy of our attention. This paper starts with the positive and negative effects of the new media age on college students' ideological and political education, and actively seeks countermeasures from three aspects: educators, students and colleges and universities. It is committed to promoting the comprehensive and coordinated development of college students in the information age.

Contents 1. Division between the community identity and individual identity 2. Subjectivity as the core of identity and recognition 3. Interaction between identity as autonomous system and outside environment 4. Rise of the modern concepts of identity and recognition 5. The politics of universal dignity: meaning and origin 6. The enemies of liberalism 7. Value Judgement: the question about where and how 8. Pseudo-recognition and the presumption of recognition 9. Fusion of horizon: misunderstanding about the nature of our recognition 10. The philosophical debate behind Taylor's recognition theory 11. Open dialogue: thoughts on forming recognition on social sphere Bibliography Bibliography

Eine einführende biographische Untersuchung über das Leben des damaligen Baden-Württemberger Ministerpräsidenten - Hans Filbinger auf fünf Seiten.

As the two most populous nations and Asia's two largest and most dynamic societies, China and India have become the world's most important economies and their participation and influence in regional and world affairs has increased over time. However, the relationship between the two Asian giants has not been an easy one. The border dispute, a colonial legacy, has existed since the very beginning of the relationship between the two new nation-states, established at the end of the 1940s.The border issue is one of the most protracted and complicated problems between the two countries. It is like a mirror, reflecting the ebbs and flows of the relationship between India and China. It does not stand alone but is related to many other bilateral and international issues. Each time other events block the relationship, the border negotiations are also prevented from making any progress. Here the role of the border dispute between India and China is explored from a negotiation perspective, and within a constructivist framework, by emphasising ideational factors in the decision-making process. The author divides the Sino-Indian border dispute into two distinct stages, conflict escalation and conflict de-escalation, in order to achieve this goal. She also places a focus on border trade and on the newly built Qinghai-Tibet Railway which are both supposed to have played a significant role in enhancing people-to-people contact along the border. After exploring the ripeness of an ultimate settlement of the border dispute, the author concludes that there is no winner or loser from an historical and holistic perspective and that both parties have won and lost in different aspects. Now is the time to test the wisdom of the political leaders in finding a mutually acceptable solution. The crucial basis of a healthy relationship is the enhancement of mutual trust between the two countries, which could be promoted by institution-building at the bilateral and multilateral levels.

National identity and national interest are useful explanatory tools of explaining India-China relations. The thesis argues that the dynamics of national identity and national interest defined by the current international and domestic structures determine the formulation of their foreign policy strategies and thus their bilateral relations. In the current international structure and under the condition of globalization, their national identities as rising power and emerging power and their national interest of economic development have become dominant themes defining their international positions and guide the foreign policy-making in China and in India, which lay the ground for their cooperative approach towards each other. This explains their increasing cooperative behaviours in many issue areas. However, their identities as modern states and regional powers prescribe the importance of national security interest. In current international system, the realist understandings of self-help and balance of power are still dominant in the security related issues in their bilateral relations, and have spill-over effect on other issues. This explains competition part of their relations. Regarding the future of India-China relations, it concludes that the cooperation prospects of India-China relations should be wide and positive. However, still hampered by historical mistrust, India-China relations are moving at variable speeds, with some sections faster than the others, this will continue in the near future. The thesis suggests that both countries should continue to promote mutual understanding and practical cooperation in their relations. Both sides should consolidate the existing institutional mechanisms and explore the possibilities of new mechanisms, at the bilateral as well as multilateral level. Moreover, the leaderships of the two countries should take the initiative to foster a shared culture between them that is based on reciprocity and ideas of win-win. This is the fundamental path through which India and China can get out of their current strategic stasis and bring their relations to a new level.